• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.48
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• pp.195-223
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• 2012

Until now, I guess, many scholars misunderstood the characteristic of economic awareness of Yi Hang-no as if it was a modern nationalism or radicalism against Japanese anti-Korean insistences. But I think these opinions are out of historical attitude. So to understand Yi's economic awareness correctly, I think, We should focus on the traditional Confucian thought system at that time. As one method to reach the goal, I focused on the word, Jeong-jeon-je: Oriental equal land system. Yi Hang-no put the importance on Jeong-jeon-je to make utopia he dreamed of. Yi thought Jeong-jeon-je is the basis of equal society and strong state. Also Yi thought a moral society would be achieved by Jeong-jeon-je because the equal land system, so called Jeong-jeon-je provide peasants with equal lands, so it makes peasants stable in economic situation. Especially, Yi Hang-no put importance on that Jeong-jeon-je would raise moral consciousness of people because equal economic condition makes people wealthy, so people would be good men naturally. Yi Hang-no explain it in basis of Insim-Dosim-seol: a theory of two minds bad & good to be. Yi Hang-no thought equal economic condition is the basis of making people moral being. He thought Jeong-jeon-je was a basis of the condition. Reversely, Yi thought Western insists of trade was the beginning of making people fight for individual benefit, so it produces devil selfishness out of human mind. That was the reason that Yi Hang-no opposed the trade with Western Powers. Eventually Yi's assertion of embargo came out of his Insim-Dosim-seol. In this context, Yi's Jeong-jeon-je was insisted as a method to raise human moral consciousness.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.53 no.4
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• pp.60-77
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• 2020

An assumption can be made that, as a start point for the recognition and utilization of cultural heritage, the "choice" of such would reflect the cultural ideology of the ruling power at that time. This has finally been proved by the case of Korea in the 20th century. First, in the late Korean Empire (1901-1910), the prevailing cultural ideology had been inherited from the Joseon Dynasty. The main objects that the Joseon Dynasty tried to protect were royal tombs and archives. During this time, an investigation by the Japanese into Korean historic sites began in earnest. Stung by this, enlightened intellectuals attempted to recognize them as constituting independent cultural heritage, but these attempts failed to be institutionalized. During the 1910-1945 Japanese occupation, the Japanese led investigations to institutionalize Korean cultural heritage, which formed the beginning of the current cultural heritage management system. At that time, the historical investigation, designation, protection, and enhancement activities led by the Japanese Government-General of Korea not only rationalized their colonial occupation of Korea but also illustrated their colonial perspective. Korean nationalists processed the campaign for the love of historical remains on an enlightening level, but they had their limits in that the campaign had been based on the outcome of research planned by the Japanese. During the 1945-2000 period following liberation from Japan, cultural heritage restoration projects took places that were based on nationalist ideology. People intended to consolidate the regime's legitimacy through these projects, and the enactment of the 'Cultural Heritage Charter' in 1997 represented an ideology in itself that stretched beyond a means of promoting nationalist ideology. During the past 20 centuries, cultural heritage content changed depending on the whims of those with political power. Such choices reflected the cultural ideology that the powers at any given time held with regard to cultural heritage. In the background of this cultural heritage choice mechanism, there have been working trade-off relationships formed between terminology and society, as well as the ideological characteristics of collective memories. The ruling party has tried to implant their ideology on their subjects, and we could consider that it wanted to achieve this by being involved in collective memories related to traditional culture, so called-choice, and utilization of cultural heritage.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.55 no.1
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• pp.199-222
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• 2022

It has been 100 years since the excavation of Geumgwanchong (Gold Crown Tomb), a tomb that was accidentally discovered in Noseo-ri, Gyeongju at the end of September 1921 during Japanese colonial rule. Although it is known for its discovery, not only in the Korean Peninsula but also in Asia and beyond, the excavation report was published in Japanese and English by the Government-General of Korea in 1924 and 1928, three years after the excavation. TOMB "KINKANTSUKA" or THE GOLD CROWN TOMB at KEISHU, AND ITS TREASURES) was published as a series of books and picture books. The excavation report was prepared by Kosaku Hamada (濱田耕作), who was a member of the Ruins Investigation Committee of the Japanese Government-General of Korea (later became the President of Kyoto Imperial University, Kyoto, Japan), and Sueji Umehara (梅原末治), who was commissioned to investigate the remains of the Japanese Government-General of Korea. In this paper, the preface was written in July 1922, about half a year after the excavation of tombs, which was much earlier than the official reports, in the 'Korean and Chinese reading book (稿本 高等朝鮮語及漢文讀本 巻五)' by Hamada Kosaku (濱田耕作) for high school students in Korea, which was titled 'New Excavated Artifacts in Gyeongju (慶州의 新發掘品)' with a subtitle '絶大의 發見', a slightly awkward expression in Korean, but it means 'a very big discovery'. The meaning has been introduced as a single unit, emphasizing its significance in terms of the achievements of the excavation of Geumgwanchong, academic and archaeological discoveries, and cultural history in Korean language rather than Japanese language. Since the manuscript was written immediately after the excavation, the excitement as an archaeological researcher at the time of the excavation and expectations for future research can be read as it is. In this paper, I would like to introduce the voice of the excited field leader of the Japanese Government-General of Korea after the excavation of Geumgwanchong in 2022, the 100th anniversary of the writing. In addition, the process from the discovery of the tomb to the preparation of the report was summarized in one chronological table to make it easier to understand the series of flows.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.55 no.1
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• pp.281-304
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• 2022

Heungdeokjeon was the first pavilion built on the site of Sueocheong during the expansion of Gyeongungung. In this study, we tried to clarify the specific construction process of Heungdeokjeon, which was used for various purposes such as the copy location for Portraits of ancestors, temporary enshrinement site, and the funeral building for the rest of the body, which is Binjeon. In addition, we tried to confirm the historical value based on the characteristics derived by the history of the building and the rituals performed. Heungdeokjeon began to be built in the second half of 1899, and is estimated to have been completed between mid-February and mid-March 1900. It was a ritual facility equipped with waiting rooms for the emperor and royal ladies as an annex. The relocation work was planned in April 1901 and began in earnest after June, and it was closely linked to the construction of attached buildings of Seonwonjeon. In addition, comparing the records on the construction and relocation cost of Heungdeokjeon with those related to the reconstruction of Seonwonjeon, it was confirmed that annex buildings of Heungdeokjeon were relocated and used as annex buildings of Seonwonjeon. The characteristics identified in the process of Heungdeokjeon used as a place to copy portraits are as follows. First, it was used as a place to copy portraits twice in a short period of time. Second, it was the place where the first unprecedented works were carried out in relation to the copying of portraits. Third, the pavilion, which was specially built for imperial rituals, was used as a place to copy portraits. Since then, it has been used as a funeral building for the rest of the body, and features different from those of the previous period are identified. It was the building dedicated to rituals for use as Binjeon, and was also a multipurpose building for copying portraits. In other words, Heungdeokjeon, along with Gyeongbokgung Taewonjeon, is the building that shows the changes in the operation of Binjeon in the late Joseon Dynasty. Characteristics are also confirmed in portrait-related rituals performed at Heungdeokjeon. The first is that Jakheonlye was practiced frequently in a short period of time. The second is that the ancestral rites of Sokjeolje and Bunhyang in Sakmangil, which are mainly held in the provincial Jinjeon, were identified. This is a very rare case in Jinjeon of the palace. The last is that Jeonbae, jeonal, and Bongsim were implemented mutiple times. In conclusion, Heungdeokjeon can be said to be a very symbolic building that shows the intention of Gojong, who valued imperial rituals, and the characteristics of the reconstruction process of Gyeongungung.

• Journal of Popular Narrative
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• v.26 no.2
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• pp.251-276
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• 2020

The purpose of this article is to critically read Globalizing Borderlands Studies in Europe and North America to examine trends in border studies conducted so far in Europe and North America and to discuss the expandability and limitations of the narrative. It introduces a variety of case studies covering the borderlands of Europe and North America from ancient to modern times. It consists of a total of 10 chapters, in addition to the introduction chapter to clarify the purpose and definition of the collaboration and the short conclusion chapter on the prospects for the future of borderlands studies. This volume has some important implications for current borderland research in two main respects. First, it can introduce us we the areas and targets that the leading researchers from European and North American academia (usually the United States') have paid attention to. It also examines the current status of borderland research and predicts whether it will be possible to study various border areas where exist in other regions (especially in Asia) based on accumulating academic achievements, as well as the possibility of expansion of so-called 'globalization'. Second, it introduces the borderland as a conceptual space, beyond the border area as a physical space that is commonly thought of when it comes to 'border'. Cases of "conceptual borderlands" can be applied to a number of topics ranging from an individual's identities to the methods of governance, religions, economies, social institutions, families, labor issues, public health services and gender issues. There are, however, also some questions to be noted in the volume: the lack of consistent use of terminology, which can be considered general problems of collaboration studies; the fact that the authors still tend to understand borderlands within the imperialist discourse, perhaps because of their academic background is situated mainly in Europe and North America; the borderlands cases described here as the areas of conflict and struggle only. Nevertheless, the book is of significance in that it suggests a possibility of various borderlands studies and helps us to have better understanding of the current geopolitical situation imposed on the Korean Peninsula, which is located on the borderland between the continental and maritime powers.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.40 no.4
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• pp.32-48
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• 2022

This study analyzed the construction pattern and historical reality of Gwallamji Pond(觀纜池) in the rear garden of Changdeokgung Palace(昌德宮), which has been received as distorted information and has not received sufficient attention. The main topics consisted of the construction period and reorganization in the pond garden, changes in the installed wooden bridge, the existence of the berthing facility, and whether the plan shape was deformed. The main results of this study can be summarized as follows. First, the Gwallamji Pond was already completed before the Gapsin Coup, which occurred in the year of King Gojong. Since then, the Gwallamji Pond area, including the surrounding facilities, has been neglected for a while and was extensively renovated in the early 1900s. It is difficult to find a clear basis for the suspension and resumption of the Gwallamji Pond construction proposed in the previous discussion. Second, three types of wooden bridges with different shapes and structures were installed sequentially in the Gwallamji Pond. In particular, the second wooden bridge, which installed after the maintenance of the Gwallamji Pond, is judged to be the pontoon bridge depicted in Donggweoldohyeong(東闕圖形), and the railing of the bridge was decorated to symbolize the imperial family of the Korean Empire. The third wooden bridge, which appeared intensively in Japanese colonial era, was a Japanese-style bridge. Third, a berth facility for boarding and disembarking existed on the eastern shore of the Gwallamji Pond. The berth facility is also described in Donggweoldohyeong and it remained until the Japanese colonial period. However, as the maintenance work of the Gwallamji Pond was carried out several times after liberation, the berth facility was gradually damaged, and there are no traces left now. Fourth, The Gwallamji Pond was originally constructed in a planar shape of the Korean Peninsula similar to the present. It is necessary to reconsider the conventional theory that the Gwallamji Pond, made in the shape of a gored-shaped bottle, was renovated in the shape of the Korean Peninsula in Japanese colonial era. Even when the term Pandoji Pond(半島池) first appeared, there was no view that the Japanese intentionally modified the Gwallamji Pond.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.27
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• pp.223-254
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• 2009

This thesis is aimed at researching the formation of democracy in socialist China. Due to a sense of cultural superiority on the basis of their developed civilization, they already formed a strong cultural nationalism, which has come to firm up into "Sinocentrism" through long periods of time. However, there arose a sense of crisis due to the Western invasion after the Opium War and the intellectuals in China happened to seek the solution to rescuing their mother land from ruin; in the midst of this process, the theory of social evolution of the West was introduced and accepted. The acceptance of this theory of social evolution gradually transformed in confrontation with a logical limit that China defeated in international competition could not but be plundered by imperialism after all, but it contributed to Chinese intellectuals' forming the concept of the modern state nationalism of the West deviating from cultural Sinocentrism. After the Russian Revolution, a large number of Chinese progressive intellectuals developed their socialist movement with the recognition that Marxism was a practicable alternative to rescue China from its crisis. The Chinese Communist Party was under guidance of the Comintern from the early process of its formation, in which they emphasized the fact the national liberation struggle in colonialized countries was an indispensable element in the world communist movement under the condition of the control of the world by imperialist capital at that time and subsequently, Marxism characterized by resistant nationalism in China gained its cause. Afterwards, the People's Republic of China was established by the Chinese Communists which came to get widespread support from the Chinese through anti-imperialism &feudalism in the process of the Sino-Japanese War, and thus China equipped with a full-blown socialism system set sails. However, with the relations with the Soviet Union getting worse under the international conditions of a cold war, the development of the Chinese socialism couldn't but resort to the concentrated power of its people, which was linked to the boost of continuous patriotism of the Chinese Communists. Particularly, due to the newly-emerging contradictions after reform & opening [gig kifng], China underwent disruption; thus, as an ideology to integrate such disruptive elements, Sinocentrism based on China's cultural pride re-appeared. Recently, a very strong form of Sinocentrism has come to the fore as their superiority of traditional cultures is emphasized in China whose international position as an economic power has been raised.

• Journal of Popular Narrative
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• v.25 no.1
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• pp.217-247
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• 2019

This research paper intends to examine the intertextuality of Klaus Mann's novel Mephisto (1936) and István Szabó's film Mephisto (1981) and how the derivative contents (i.e., film) accepted and improved the schematic aesthetics of conviction in original contents (i.e., novel). In general, the aesthetics of conviction is applied to criticize the state socialism of the artists of the Third Reich or the ideology of the artists of East Germany from a biased ethical perspective. Mephisto is also based on the aesthetics of conviction. Thus, it would be meaningful to examine the characteristic similarity and difference between Klaus Mann's real antagonist (i.e., Gustaf Gründgens) and fictional antagonist (i.e., Hendrik Höfgen) from a historical critical perspective. In this process, an aesthetic distance between the real and fictional antagonists would be secured through the internal criticism in terms of intertextuality. In this respect, the film aesthetics of István Szabó are deemed to overcome the schematic limit of the original novel. The conviction in both the novel and film of Mephisto pertains to the belief and stance of a person who compromised with the state socialism of Nazi Germany, i.e., succumbed to the irresistible history. Klaus Mann denounced Mephisto's character Höfgen (i.e., Gründgens in reality) as an "Mephisto with evil spirits" from the perspective of exile literature. For such denunciation, Klaus Mann used various means such as satire, caricature, sarcasm, parody and irony. However, his novel is devoid of introspection and "utopianism", and thus could be considered to allow personal rights to be disregarded by the freedom of art. On the contrary, István Szabó employed the two different types of evil (evil of Mephisto and evil of Faust) from a dualistic perspective (instead of a dichotomous perspective of good and evil) by expressing the character of Höfgen like both Mephisto and Hamlet (i.e., "Faust with both good and evil spirits). However, Szabó did not present the mixed character of "Mephisto and Hamlet (Faust)" only as an object of pity. Rather, Szabó called for social responsibility by showing a much more tragic end. As such, the novel Mephisto is more like the biography of an individual, and the film Mephisto is more like the biography of a generation. The aesthetics of conviction of Mephisto appears to overcome biased historical and textual perspectives through the irony of intertextuality between the novel and the film. Even if history is an irresistible "fate" to an individual, human dignity cannot be denied because it is the "value of life". The issue of conviction is not only limited to the times of Nazi Germany. It can also be raised with the ideology of the modern and contemporary history of Korea. History is so deeply rooted that it should not be criticized merely from a dichotomous perspective. When it comes to the relationship between history and individual life, a neutral point of view is required. Hopefully, this research paper will provide readers with a significant opportunity for finding out their "inner Mephisto" and "inner Hamlet."

• Journal of Popular Narrative
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• v.25 no.2
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• pp.117-167
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• 2019

The aim of this article is to illuminate the Park Yeol(朴烈)·Kaneko Humiko(金子文子) Case from the perspective of performance, by analyzing newspapers published in Colonial Korea. The Park Yeol·Kaneko Humiko Case include the High Treason Incident(大逆事件) case and the mysterious photo(怪寫眞) case that occurred in Tokyo in Imperial Japan from 1923 to 1926. Even though Park Yeol·Kaneko Humiko were individually imprisoned during this period, they proceeded to act shrewdly and preposterously as performers. First, they made the trial itself into an astonishing case by donning traditional Korean clothes and insisting on using the Korean language in Japanese Imperial Court. Second, they caused the judge in charge to accidentally take the so-called 'mysterious photo,' which later led to the collapse of the Japanese cabinet. The newspapers published in Colonial Korea served as unique stage on which Park Yeol and Kaneko Humiko performed. The newspaper articles reported on the public trials as if it were a drama, describing their clothes, look, and dialogue in public court. The news about them was published not as it occurred but in a plotted sequence because of a press ban, consequentially building suspense among readers. Meanwhile, the Korean newspaper editorials pointed out the injustice of the High Treason Incident, breaking down the Japanese judge's opinion. The Park Yeol·Kaneko Humiko Case was a social drama that revealed the disharmony that led to the breakdown of Taisho Democracy and imprinting national resistance in Japan as well as in Korea.

• Strategy21
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• s.46
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• pp.239-276
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• 2020

The failure of early economic sanctions aimed at hurting the overall economies of targeted states called for a more sophisticated design of economic sanctions. This paved way for the advent of 'smart sanctions,' which target the supporters of the regime instead of the public mass. Despite controversies over the effectiveness of economic sanctions as a coercive tool to change the behavior of a targeted state, the transformation from 'comprehensive sanctions' to 'smart sanctions' is gaining the status of a legitimate method to impose punishment on states that do not conform to international norms, the nonproliferation of weapons of mass destruction in this particular context of the paper. The five permanent members of the United Nations Security Council proved that it can come to an accord on imposing economic sanctions over adopting resolutions on waging military war with targeted states. The North Korean nuclear issue has been the biggest security threat to countries in the region, even for China out of fear that further developments of nuclear weapons in North Korea might lead to a 'domino-effect,' leading to nuclear proliferation in the Northeast Asia region. Economic sanctions had been adopted by the UNSC as early as 2006 after the first North Korean nuclear test and has continually strengthened sanctions measures at each stage of North Korean weapons development. While dubious of the effectiveness of early sanctions on North Korea, recent sanctions that limit North Korea's exports of coal and imports of oil seem to have an impact on the regime, inducing Kim Jong-un to commit to peaceful talks since 2018. The purpose of this paper is to add a variable to the factors determining the success of economic sanctions on North Korea: preventing North Korea's evasion efforts by conducting illegal transshipments at sea. I first analyze the cause of recent success in the economic sanctions that led Kim Jong-un to engage in talks and add the maritime element to the argument. There are three conditions for the success of the sanctions regime, and they are: (1) smart sanctions, targeting commodities and support groups (elites) vital to regime survival., (2) China's faithful participation in the sanctions regime, and finally, (3) preventing North Korea's maritime evasion efforts.