• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.28 no.1
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• pp.1-20
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• 2018

Southeast Asia witnessed a paradox of political stagnation and economic development in 2017. The 'dual order' of security dependence on America and economic dependence on China was sustained in East Asia. In this regard, Southeast Asia of two faces was quite similar to broader East Asia. On one hand, the old socialist group with totalitarian nostalgia lurked in the buffer zone between totalitarianism and authoritarianism, while the original capitalist group under democratic disguise roamed in the gray zone between authoritarianism and democracy. On the other, the old socialist group with the legacy of the planned economy succumbed to the temptation of the Beijing Consensus on state capitalism, while the original capitalist group with the myth of the market economy was exposed to the pressure of the Washington Consensus on liberal capitalism. The ASEAN Community representing the regional integration of Southeast Asia was caught in the strategic predicament of a looming 'new cold war' between the continental and maritime powers.

• Proceedings of the Korea Technology Innovation Society Conference
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• 1998.05a
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• pp.7-7
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• 1998

새로운 밀레니엄을 불과 몇 년 앞둔 지금 우리는 정치.경제.사회.문화.과학기술 등 전 분야에 걸쳐 전개되고 있는 역동적인 변화를 몸소 체험하고 있다. 냉전시대의 종식 이후 세계의 정치 구도는 경제패권을 둘러싼 지역화.블럭화의 경향을 보여주고, 플랜트와 하드웨어 중심의 규모의 경제가 기술중심의 소규모화 된 현장중심의 범인의 경제로 전환되는 와중에 있다. 사회.문화적 측면에도 오늘날 우리는 국제화, 다원화, 지방화의 무드 속에서 조직구조의 변화는 물론 이에 따른 인간의 가치관과 생활양식의 변화를 때로는 능동적으로 혹은 피동적으로 체험하고 있다. 한편, 과학 기술 분야의 변화는 거대 에너지와 물자를 활용하는 ‘힘-중심적’ 방향에서 새 사고와 아이디어를 요구하는 ‘지식-중심적’ 방향으로 옮겨가고 있다는 것이다. 이는 과학과 기술에 있어서도 에너지, 재료, 기계 등 대대적으로 활용하는 거시적 과학과 기술로부터 지식, 정보, 통신을 중심에 두는 정밀과학, 정밀기술 쪽으로의 변화가 진행중이라는 것을 의미한다. 사회의 변화와 관련된 교육적 대응의 원리는 두 가지 형태로 집약될 수 있다. 교육은 본질적으로 순응(accommodation)과 적응(adaptation)이라는 서로 상반되는 두 가지 기능을 수행한다. 순응의 원리는 교육의 탄생이래 교육목적의 본질에 해당되는 것으로 기존 사회질서의 유지와 체제 존속을 위해 교육은 과거로부터 전해져 내려오는 의미 있는 문화내용을 엄선하여 미성숙한 학생들에게 전수하고 그들로 하여금 문화와 전통을 계승하도록 하는 사회화에 그 일차적인 목적이 있다는 것이다. 따라서 순응의 원리를 강조하는 교육은 과거 지향적이며 외부의 변화에 대해 수동적인 자세를 견지한다. 한편, 적응의 원리에 입각한 교육은 문화와 전통에 대한 피동적 전승을 넘어서 사회의 변화에 따라 교육체제와 내용을 바꾸는 등 적극적으로 변화에 대응하고, 이러한 변화를 주도할 인간육성에 힘을 기울이는 교육방식을 취한다. 시대적 변화의 소용돌이 속에서 교육은 이제 기왕의 많은 교육적 신화들을 타파하고 뉴 밀레니엄을 준비해야할 기로에 서 있다. 현재의 변화를 슬기롭게 대처하고 미래의 변화에 능동적으로 적응하는 인간을 육성하기 위한 오늘날 교육의 사명은 우선 미래사회를 위한 교육정책의 방향을 수립하는 일이다. 교육정책은 국가의 교육방침으로서 현실 교육문제의 해결도 중요하지만 미래의 발전을 기약할 수 있는 장기적인 비젼과 목표 속에서 정립될 필요가 있다. 이러한 의도하에 본 연구는 21세기를 대비한 교육정책의 방향을 탐색하고 그에 따른 정책적 과제를 제시하는 데 그 목적이 있다. 이러한 목적하에 본고는 \circled1 과거 우리 나라의 교육정책을 반성적으로 회고하고, \circled2 미래사회에 대한 전망과 교육적 시사점을 분석하며, \circled3 마지막으로 21세기의 변화에 적응하기 위한 교육정책의 방향과 과제를 내용으로 제시하고자 한다.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.22 no.2
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• pp.157-188
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• 2016

Since democratic transition in the early 1990s, constitutionalism is getting more important for democratic consolidation in Africa. Using Afribarometer data set, this paper explains influences on public confidence in judiciary. High levels of public trust in judiciary is a necessary condition for judicial system to work effectively in emerging democracy. Unlike existing studies focusing on the function of judiciary and legal procedures, this paper is interested in the relationship between how ordinary Africans perceive the attitudes of the chief executive toward judiciary, the rule of law, and judicial corruption and their confidence in judiciary. The results show that those who think that the chief executive is likely to respect the constitution and the judiciary, that the law applies to everyone equally, and that there are few corrupt judicial personnel are likely to show high levels of confidence in judiciary. This study argues that the tension between laws and politics have a significant influence on transitional justice in emerging democracy.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.29 no.4
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• pp.420-437
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• 1994

The starting point of the research is the relation between capital restructuring and urban restructuring. The economic restructuring, which has been caused by the economic crisis in the early 1970s in the United States has brought a spatial restructuring at different geographic scales. The degree of the success of urban restructuring is contingent to the local economic and political environments. The local contingent factor such as local politics should not be neglected for investigating the restructuring process. Through the case study of Chicago, the research provides two inconsistencies in applying the structural approach to the local level: first, the lack of the theoretical link between crisis and restructuring; and second, the crucial importance of local politics in shaping urban development.

• 사회경제평론
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• v.31 no.1
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• pp.25-61
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• 2018

Nowadays 87 regimes born in the same year with the Korean Association for Political Economy(KAPE in abbreviation) have ended historically. This paper surveys the research trends of KAPE after 2007 for the 30th founding anniversary. This survey is expected to help research way forward of KAPE. The main contents of the surveys are as follows. Global finance crisis caused by subprime mortgage crisis in 2007 expanded to global economic crisis resulting in the crisis of economics. KAPE criticized the mainstream economics with different approach and methodology as well as political economy copying with the crisis of economics and then focused on economics of inequality. However, the progressive economics is depressed under the conservative regime after 2007. As a result, the progressive economics have experienced the crisis of reproduction of knowledge and have become the peripheral science in Korea. With new regimes after 87 regimes, more important than restoration of the progressive economics is rebirth as the progressive economics corresponding to new regime and new era. This is responsibility of KAPE as the single association of the progressive economics in Korea.

• International Area Studies Review
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• v.22 no.2
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• pp.163-186
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• 2018

The purpose of this study is to analyze the institutional conditions and problems for the transition to the North Korean economic system. As a research method, we first analyzed the legislative processes of 4th stage market reform policies (liberalization, privatization, privatization, and corporation) by major economic transition countries. And we found out the difference with North Korea. Based on this, it analyzed the process of institutionalization of North Korea's 4th stage economic reform policies (7.1 measures, comprehensive market policies, Currency reform, 6.28 policy). According to research, There are three important conditions that can not compare the changes of the North Korean market economy with those of the transition economies. First, the internal and external conditions and environment for the transition of the economic system and the role of the state and civil society are very different. Second, the means and objectives of the policy decision process and the implementation process are different. Third, it differs absolutely in terms of the nature and effectiveness of the nation's political and economic policies. Fourth, the priority, contents, and legislation process of economic policies for economic reform differ considerably from those of North Korea. Especially, when discussing the possibility of transition to the 'Chinese model', it is accompanied a considerable risk. It is because the purpose of market entry of control power in North Korea and their survival network are quite unique. In addition, China's domestic market size, population size, and type of control are quite different from North Korea. A necessary and sufficient condition for the transition of the North Korean economic system is the relaxation of physical control mechanisms and institutions in the market area. Next, it is necessary to make a legitimate institutionalization as well as an entire survey on the illegal ownership market. Based on this, it is necessary to gradually change the dependence of the domestic market on China to South Korea. In other words, this is a paradigm shift in the semi-controlled power exclusion, post-automation and domestic market.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.70
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• pp.165-188
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• 2015

This paper deals with the questions: Are media user's activities labour? Or rent? These questions have provoked a debate in the critical media studies and Marx's theory. But it is not a matter of choosing either labour or rent. Even if user's activities could contribute to valorization, it needs some mediating process. Media Platforms-Google, Facebook, etc.-play a key role, and have to employ other forms of labour. Labour in media platform produces some capital commodities. In view of media platform, Smythe's audience commodity can be considered as capital commodity. Assertion in this paper expected to provoke new debate on media platforms and its labourer.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.27 no.2
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• pp.273-295
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• 2017

The Philippines in 2016 showed the highest GDP growth rate among Southeast Asian countries, in spite of domestic and international turbulence caused by the war on drugs and unexpected foreign policies after Duterte's presidency. The social contexts and political dynamics behind 'Duterte phenomenon' have raised key questions and issues to other countries including Korea, as to democracy and politics in current neoliberal challenges. The Philippines' choices for independent foreign policy and challenges against existing hegemony would continue to draw attention, particularly on whether this would end in an experiment of a country or initiate an alternative power block among neighboring countries and ASEAN communities.

• Korea and Global Affairs
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• v.1 no.2
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• pp.33-84
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• 2017

This study deals with President Park Chung-hee's greed for dominance and oppression during the Yushin Regime in the 1970's and consists of case studies related to anti-democracy of the National Council for Unification Subject, illegality of President's emergency rule and oppression in the process of putting down Buma Uprising. The National Council for Unification Subject was an organization for presidential selection and institutionalized by the enactment of Yushin constitution. Emergency rule was carried into effect as a means to repressing college students and forces out of office for the president's long-term seizure of power. And Buma Uprising rose against violence in resistance to the Yushin regime and president Park Chung-hee's greed for dominance and oppression. These case analyses applied the aspects of causal relationship(birth and fall of Yushin Regime), legal system(Yushin constitution and president's emergency rule) and behavior(President Park's greed for dominance and oppression) for this study. The National Council for Unification Subject institutionalized through Yushin constitution and the Yushin regime formed by emergency rule enabled President Park to cling to long-term seizure of power by means of greed for dominance and oppression. After all, his failure to keep the spirit of the time and stepping stone for democratic constitutional government triggered Buma Uprising, a kind of anti-Establishment movement, and caused the fall of the Yushin regime.

• KOMUNHWA
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• no.59
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• pp.35-63
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• 2002

Yungsan River(榮山江) valley developed into a political structure, which centers around the Bannam(潘南) until the 5th century, when the group cemetery prevailed. However, it's solidarity was sustained at a rather loose stage. And around the end of the 5th cen