This paper aim to find activities related to science and technology in the field of Official Development Assistance in Korea and to research its meaning. In order for Korea to achieve greater results through international cooperation in science and technology and ODA, it seems to be the primary task to establish a foundation for collecting social opinions. In other words, when civil society and the private sector are not willing to participate, international cooperation has many limitations in achieving substantial benefits because it embodies the problem of domestic politics. And the science and technology ODA will be a factor considered to be more important variable in the international political order in which multiple actors such as supranational organizations and social organizations play a role in the multi-layer.
This study tries 'interdisciplinary research' regarding the formation process of public sphere and the modern media on the Korean society. From the process where the civil society of modern ages is formed, the public sphere was condition that pulls down the feudal system of medieval Europe and appears the civil society. The modern newspaper collected the public opinion from lower part and did play a leading role which forms public sphere in Europe. Even from Korea the literary public sphere and political public sphere were developing inside the Chosun Dynasty period from lower part since 18th century. However the opening of a port became accomplished before making the printing media which is newspaper. As a result the public sphere in Korea was accomplished a conflict-structure. This study cleared where the crisis of Korean journalism is originated by presenting a conflict-structure differently with a transplantation theory or a graft hybrid hypothesis.
This research has a purpose to verify whether the Internet diffusion through the Official Development Assistance (ODA) can bring about democratic changes in authoritarian political system of developing countries. This research has found out that IT ODA has 'positive(+)' effect on the Internet diffusion in recipient countries. It seems to support the expectation of donor countries that they can lead the political democratization by constructing infrastructure and promoting the use of the Internet. However, as the impact of IT ODA on the Internet diffusion is not considerable as well as the Internet diffusion has no strong influence on the development of democracy in developing countries, and also each of these aspects of countries looks different, it is hard to see that the democratization hypothesis based on the optimistic technological determinism is reasonable. Therefore, this paper argues that IT ODA must be based on not blind optimism that IT transfer will lead to the political democratization in developing countries, but the social structuralism which is based on distinctiveness and uniqueness of countries. and suggests that the discuss of the effect of IT ODA proceed with the constructive way.
The crisis of moral-ethical school subject is related to the scientific identity of moral education in Korean society. Because it's identity hasn't been established yet exactly. At past time 'National Ethics' included not only moral education, but also anti-Communist education and education of political ideology or propaganda. The scientific foundation of ethical education is on ethics, and it is a branch of philosophy. But to escape this fact, some scholars relating with ethical education claimed to need 'interdisciplinary approach' to ethical subject. As a result, they allowed other department to give their certificates. Futhermore it is at a crisis to be integrated into social subject. Philosophy as scientific origin of ethics has already not interdisciplinary character but the idea of integrated science. So there is no necessity for finding another scientific foundation. Now following the original goal of ethical education, they try to train the ability of moral judgement to solve various moral problems rationally, and to cultivate moral disposition that can practice the ideal and principles of life.
This study inquires how human interest news on society section of newspapers had been modulated as multi-layered political narratives that would consistently have Koreans consider, realize and question on colonial situation as well as ethnic identity. Under totalitarian censorship of the colonial government, newspapers could not publish reports on political issues and current affairs, so society page of human interest such as crime, accident, conflict, disaster, and many kinds of sufferings of peoples to death would take great public attention and consequently be considered as a substitute of political section. Society page had enjoyed its influence on formation of public opinion of the colonized ethnic society and had maintained cultural-nationalist position ever since the founding of newspaper in mother-tongue in 1920. In colonial context, there is nothing non-political to the lives of the colonized, social facts would be necessary and happen to be modulated into a narrative that could trigger nationalist sentiment. For this end, news reporting of society section usually concentrated on aspects of 'Les Mis${\acute{e}}$rqbles', dramatic quality, and psychological factors in detail. Narrative style of news reporting got used to modulate factual informations with a proper taste of exaggeration, emotional expression, and commercial touch of exciting words. Even in a case of death by drug abuse, news was written to indicate what made him/her drive to miserable death on street, that is, what is de facto reason of all of social problems like as migration, hunger, leaving home, crime, suicide, violence, gambling, love affairs to death, adultery, and even opium habit. Those social problems and personal sufferings appeared up on newspaper 3rd page at daily base. Readers could acknowledge and identify what the real matter that should be resolved and then blame colonialism, capitalism, and militarism for those social problems. Journalists put values on inciting the colonized to realize the national and ethnic situation and feel sympathy for their people tied up by a common destiny. In this terms, news on society section of newspaper under Colonial Occupation were encoded as narratives of politically layered text and then decoded as intriguing sentiments against colonial dominance. I argue that society page of newspaper of colonial period engaged in a sort of cultural politics of sentiment and emotion which is a private area outside of imperial sight.
The purpose of this study is to examine and assess the major characteristics and changes of politics, economy, and diplomacy in Thailand in 2016. Specifically, it reviewed the New Constitution that was passed in 2016, the confrontation between different political forces and the trend of military regime around the New Constitution, and the political instability caused by the accession of the new king to the throne. This study also set out to figure out changes to the economy and foreign relations of the country, including its relations with South Korea, under the military regime and make predictions for the impact and future prospects of King Bhumibol Adulyadej's death on the politics and economy of the country. In 2016, the politics of Thailand took a step further toward the transfer of power to civil government and established a foundation for an authoritarian system. The draft of the New Constitution, which does not seem to be democratic, was approved by a referendum and enabled the military authorities to continue their political interventions, even after the general election. The New Constitution, in particular, reduces the power of political parties itself in addition to simply keeping the Thaksin's party in check; thus, anticipating ongoing conflicts between the military authorities and political parties. In this situation, the absence of King Bhumibol Adulyadej, who used to play a decisive role in promoting the political stability of the country, and the accession of the new king to the throne raise concerns about the acceleration of political instability, which has continued after the coup and influenced the diplomatic relations of the country. Today, Thailand is distancing itself from Western nations that do not recognize the current military regime including the U.S.A. and EU member states and instead maintains a rapidly friendly and close relation with China. In 2016, the economy of Thailand made a gradual recovery rather than high growth. The death of King Bhumibol Adulyadej has exerted limited direct economic impacts only on individual consumption and tourism and is not likely to cause a recession. An economic crisis will, however, be unavoidable if the political confrontations escalate before the general election to transfer power to the civil government.
The Northern Song Dynasty Period (北宋時代) was a drastic transitional era in all aspect of Chinese society including the politico-economic system, ideology and cultural trait. These changes that began in the late Tang (唐) Dynasty Period accomplished in the Northern Song Dynasty. In this phase, the fundamental change influenced in all institutional area; and among them, the capital city planning and its associating building technology to pile stone walls shows one of the significant change of those time. Based on the geographical factor, confluences of many rivers, the Kaifeing (開封) area where the BianLieng palace had developed as a political and economical centre since the Tang Dynasty when the Grand Canal was constructed. According to archaeological researches, the central city structure of Dongjing Walled Town was begun to plan in the late Tang Dynasty and formed in Five Dynasties. The fundamental functional change of city completed in the Midnorthern Song Dynasty. In spite of the relatively late beginning of archaeological investigations to Kaifeng Walled Town and Dongjing Walled Town due to unfavourable natural environment, excavations inaugurated since 1981 have achieved the significant investigations including the actual measurement and excavation to the outer wall, the preliminary excavation to the inner city area, the investigation and excavation to the royal palace of Song and the survey to the royal palace of King Zho in the Ming (明) Dynasty. These surveys have provide important data to reconstruct the 변량 palace, and elucidate the characteristics of city plan in the Dongjing Walled Town and the institutional change of capital city plan of the Northern Song Dynasty. The basic layout of Dongjing Walled Town reflect the realisation of ideality of the late Chinese medieval capital city structure that establish the commercial and economic centre based on the intensification of emperor's power by means of the organisation of ethical institution and the development of commercial economy. Firstly, the central place of the Kaifeng area is encircled with triple walls. This emphasise the authority of emperor located on the summit in the hierarchical ethic system succeeding to the main capital city plan of the late phase of ancient China. Secondly, the location of Dongjing Walled Town was decided by the transport network and the commercial function and defence function. Thirdly, this site shows the change of city structure and landscape of the Northern Song Dynasty. The closed Fengri (坊里: block) system transferred the open Jiexiang (街巷: road) system. Fourthly, the capital city was characterised by the free market trade and the diversification of market place. Fifthly, a convenient transport network in the Bian River, a centre of the Grand Canals, enabled to construct the Kaifeng Walled Town. Therefore, the Northern Song Dynasty continuously accomplished the developed water system as concerning about the utilisation of waterways after the construction of city.
The study of online social movements is basically concerned about the impact of the Internet on the existing social movements. More specifically, researchers have paid attention to changes in participants, leadership style and movement strategies caused by the Internet. Due to the Internet, networks of the individuals who are geographically scattered or a network of networks have emerged as new movement agents. Researchers have also analyzed a repertoire of collective action adopted by the online social movements. The increase in online social movements calls for a new interpretation of the existing social movement theories such as resource mobilization, collective identity and political opportunity structure. There are still a lot of debate about the impact of the internet on social movement and the resulting changes. Not only the early debate of cyber-optimism and cyber-scepticism, many studies done by the mid-range perspective also suggested different arguments on the impact of the Internet. This discrepancy comes from a relatively short history of online social movement study, which leads to a limited number of case studies and a shortage of date accumulations. In the future, researchers need to place more attention on the unique characteristics of different technologies and comparative studies of online social movements. The study should also extend its focus to a wide range of political systems in order to explain the impact of online social movements on political intermediary organizations and the democracy itself.
Korean scientific community has recently argued that, in order to attract talented young people to the science and engineering fields, more ranking positions in the governmental office should be filled in by science and engineering majors. In this context, a special attention has been paid to the Chinese case where science and engineering majors have taken the highest places in Chinese political hierarchy. This paper examines historical and social background of the salience of science and engineering fields in modem China. A closer examination shows that the salience of science and engineering fields was resulted by the distinct historical experiences of China-the socialist reform of higher education system and Cultural Revolution. The former shaped the social conviction that humanities and social sciences are less useful than science and engineering fields. The latter even spread the idea that majoring in humanities or social sciences run the risk of political oppressions. Thus, the salience of science and engineering in China is a social phenomenon reflecting an academic hierarchy forced by the radical politics of modem China. Also, the higher proportion of science and engineering majors in the raking governmental officers has been resulted by a unique Chinese political system, in particular the personnel management system of the Chinese Communist Party that emphasizes practical experiences after college graduation. The comparison of the social position of science and engineering majors in China and Korea without taking account of such historical and social background may therefore mislead our understanding of the cause of and counterplan to the decreasing popularity of science and engineering fields in Korean universities.
In this article I would like to propose the characteristics of "Village Council(Consejo del Pueblo)" as a sociopolitical device and institution, which maintains and encompasses all aspects of governance in a decentralized authority. A brief definition of Village Council is a "select group of people from the same village who are in charge of deciding the most important affairs of the village". The Village Council took charge of the most fundamental aspects of prehispanic Mayan society, most significantly, during the Late Postclassical era. The members of this council were respected people from the village, but not necessarily the people who held high positions within the hierarchical structure of Mayan society. It is likely that they were selected by the public in a direct way. This is the most essential bureaucratic institution in terms of the control of the political and socioeconomical affairs. The important decisions regarding legislation, the governance and jurisdiction of the village were entrusted to the council. Especially, the Village Council was responsible for monitoring and punishing the abuses of village governors. The majority of the members of the council were elders, consequently, the council was a political institution, more powerful than the governorships. The "Multepal" of Yucatán, could be an example of the Village Council during the late postclassic period.
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