• Journal of Navigation and Port Research
• /
• v.28 no.8
• /
• pp.687-697
• /
• 2004

This paper is aimed to guide ocean-going companies to reasonable decisions and to increase the competitiveness of Korean shipping industry by clarifying the determinants of political costs of ocean-going companies, which only depend for the enormous amount of money to introduce the operating fixed assets, or the vessels, upon the supporting policy from the government or the loan from the related financial institutions. As independent variables of the political costs, 5 elements were settled such as company size(sales, total assets and market share), debit ratio, capital concentration ratio, profitability(operating profit) and marine risk(sales fluctuation). To verify the relations and the effect level between dependent variables and political costs, the Multiple Regression Analysis Model was applied The result of the analysis shows significantly positive relations between size variables and political cost of shipping industry. Moreover, debt ratio and profitability were proved significant related with political costs of shipping industry.

• Journal of Internet of Things and Convergence
• /
• v.6 no.1
• /
• pp.1-8
• /
• 2020

Following the advanced fuel cycle initiative (AFCI) promotions in the United States, the analytic proposition for global fuel cycle initiative (GFCI) has been investigated using dynamical simulations. The political and economic aspects are considered simultaneously due to the particular characteristics of the nuclear materials. The spent nuclear fuels (SNFs) are treated as the reprocessing by the nuclear non-proliferation treaty (NPT) exemption nations and the NPT excluded nations. Otherwise, the pyroprocessing and repository can be done without NPT restriction. In addition, the international trade is considered as the economic aspect where the energy production is a key issue of the GFCI. The dynamical simulations have been done until 2050. The result of the International Trade shows the gradually increasing shape. Additionally, the Nuclear Power Plant Operation shows the increasing by stepwise shape.

• 한국과학기술학회:학술대회논문집
• /
• 2006.12a
• /
• pp.107-129
• /
• 2006

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
• /
• v.8 no.5
• /
• pp.207-214
• /
• 2008

This research analysis politic knowledge, politic awareness and politic socialization medium which influenced forming politic awareness for high school students. This purpose is that we find politic awareness of teenagers and how we teach politic education for teenagers effectively. After analysis, we found that awareness formed through home, school, colleague group and mess media influence teenagers to make their important factor of forming politic and administration and awareness level of politic and administration.

• Korean journal of communication and information
• /
• v.77
• /
• pp.9-35
• /
• 2016

This research focuses on how political talk shows by Channel A and TV Chosun provoke strong, negative emotions, such as anger or loathing, towards certain parties, politicians and groups only, and tries to explain what's the relation to Korean democracy crisis under the circumstances. Those talk shows by Channel A and TV Chosun, predominantly about anger and loathing towards oppositions, opposition politicians and pro-North Korea people, have contributed to practical exclusion of the citizens from the political process by their imaginary political participation rather than a role as a democratic public sphere, so they have functioned very well in order to sustain the system of Korean democracy as a way of 'the politics of exclusion', and have been retained regardless of their commercial success for the reason. In other words, the Korean democracy has systematically excluded every citizen and amplified ideological conflicts, and in that chaos of excessively produced emotions, has dealt with all the crucial matters using political technology, which is a serious problem. However, for the good of the political power who wants to keep such kind of political system, this became a reason why those Channel A and TV Chosun shows-sensational and politically biased-have survived, and since Channel A and TV Chosun are remarkably functional within the continuance of that political system they can keep being influential in politics.

• 한국노년학
• /
• v.29 no.2
• /
• pp.563-578
• /
• 2009

Public pension system of western welfare states has been maintained by transfers of public resources between working-age population and old-age population. But population aging cause the problem of fiscal burden on pension financing, so cutback on public spending for the elderly has been on the issue at public agenda. The argument on public spending for the elderly is more aggressively proceeded in the United States than any other welfare states. The argument is concerned with the problems of generation and is going under the rhetoric name of 'Generational Equity' which contends unequal distribution of social resources such as federal budget within generations. This article analyzes the background of 'Generational Equity' perspective and the reason why that argument is actively going forward in the U. S. and political-economy context of that argument. Generational Equity perspective contends that the elderly are getting more benefits and high spending on the elderly has contributing to the rising poverty rate of children. But there are lots of objection to this perspective on the ground that the perspective has weak positive evidences. The reason that 'Generational Equity' perspective has the power only in the U. S. but other welfare states is mainly due to that pluralistic political regime and selective welfare system. This research presents that political-economy meaning of 'Generational Equity' perspective is related to the political regime and welfare system of the society itself. And this research has the implication that our society having a selective welfare system would take a risk of encountering 'Generational Equity' social debate in the near future.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
• /
• v.42 no.5
• /
• pp.691-709
• /
• 2007

This paper investigates the social and political construction of geographical scale in conjunction with Korean housing politics. Recently, attention has been drawn to the issue of the social and political construction of geographical scale. Spatial scales have increasingly been regarded as socially constructed and politically contested rather than ontologically pregiven or fixed. The scale literature has paid attention to how different spatial scales can be used or articulated in social movements, with an emphasis on 'up-scaling' and 'scales of activism' rather than 'down-scaling' and 'scales of regulation.' Furthermore, the scale literature has focused on the aspect of empowerment. However, it is worthwhile to examine how scale-especially 'down-scaling' and 'scales of regulation'-can be used not only for marginalizing or excluding unprivileged social groups, but also for controlling the (re)production of space, including housing space. Under a regulatory regime, the Korean central government gained more control over the (re)production of housing space at geographical multi-scales by means of 'jumping scales,' specifically 'down-scaling.' The Korean central government has increasingly obtained the capacity to 'jump scales' by using not only multiscalar strategies for housing developments, but also taking advantage of various scales of institutional networking among the central and local governments, quasi-governmental institutions, and Chaebols, across the state. Traditionally, scale has been regarded as an analytical spatial unit or category. However, scale can be seen as means of inclusion(and exclusion) and legitimation. Choosing institutions to include or exclude cannot be separated from the choices and range of spatial scale, and is closely connected to 'scale spatiality of politics.' Facilitating different forms of 'scales of regulation,' the Korean central government included Chaebols and upper- and middle-income groups for the legitimization of housing projects, but excluded local-scale grassroots organizations and unprivileged social groups as decision-makers.

• Korean journal of communication and information
• /
• v.77
• /
• pp.73-107
• /
• 2016

The general programming channels, newly introduced around the beginning of the 2010s, have grown into powerful journalistic agencies, the far-reaching social influences of which are not confined by the economic effects within the South Korean media industry. They are now rendered to become part of major socio-political institutions that try to secure their privileges based on broadcast journalism, and to widen their business opportunities through those special kind of social practices. This research has taken a path of theoretical endeavour to devise a conceptual framework that will effectively lead to a series of academic investigation into the socio-political characteristics of general programming channels. To this end, specific attention is paid to such theoretical and conceptual resources as the instrumentalization of media by the politics, the political sociology of media power, media-political parallelism, and the structural coupling between the political and the media systems. This paper suggests that general programming channels have emerged as a new interface that accommodates and actualizes the structural coupling between the two societal subsystems, and in the course of that, they undercut the vulnerable basis of media public sphere, effectively replacing it with entertaining media-political sphere constructed and managed by themselves. This sphere is where the media system's logic and the poltical system's logic are intertwined, simutaneously accelerating not only the mediatization of the politics but also the politicization of the media.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
• /
• v.15 no.1
• /
• pp.209-235
• /
• 2009

This articles examines a war of history among American conservatives over the survival strategies of the Republican Party. The traditionalists 'construct' and employ a history originating from Goldwater's libertarianism for criticizing the Bush administration and calling for the restoration of conservative principles of limited, small government. The reformists counter with a history of repeated failures of building "conservatism of the working class."

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
• /
• v.17 no.5
• /
• pp.209-220
• /
• 2017

This study explores what are the factors which influence the perception of press professionalism and fairness of journalist in the process of their news production. This study focused on how the difference between mainstream media and online media, the political tendency and the degree of freedom during working effected on the judgement of the freedom of press based on the model of Shoemaker and Reese' hierarchical model. As a result, Research finding is as follows: First, online media journalist evaluated the fairness of press higher than offline media journalists. Second, the consistency of political tendency of offline media is different from online media. Online media journalists evaluated the fairness of the press higher than offline media journalists. Finally, the degree of freedom during performance is the most importance factor which affects the evaluation of press fairness. This study highlights the factors which influence the perception of journalists on the quality of the press based on the survey data which have conducted by Korean press foundation This study implicates how working environment is importance in journalist's writing as a journalist. The freedom of press is very important in the process of news production because the factors which influence the evaluation of the fairness and the professionalism of press reveals the quality of press.