• Korean journal of communication and information
• /
• v.45
• /
• pp.187-219
• /
• 2009

Under the pressure of the selection of topics and the presentation rules of mass media, politics in media society increasingly resort to professionalized forms of theatrical staging as a means of self-portrayal. Although these staging methods are not contradictory to what is actually going on in politics, they strongly advantage the tendency to focus exclusively on the staging of an event. Through their competition for public attention, politicians have been developing sophistication regarding placement and staging of events as well as regarding factual information. In the process of this transformation, politics that are issue-related and based on binding decisions are being gradually transformed into symbolic politics. Moreover, through their appearance on TV, politicians first of all need to possess presentational skills which are not necessarily related to their political achievements. Still, presentational skills decide over the success in politics of those politicians. The reason is that a politician who possesses presentational skills is still being perceived as being successful even if his political achievements notedly lag behind. On the other hand, political achievements are being underrated if a politician lacks the talent to present himself in front of the media. “The staging of politics, “politainment”, on the stage of mass media is evolving into a key structure which is responsible for a new coinage of politics in all different kinds of dimensions: the selection of staff, the role of action programs and their impact for the legitimation of political acting, even in relation to therole of pivotal political institutions such as parties and parliaments in the political process. The TV debates during the Bundestag elections of the year 2002 and 2005 are being analyzed and judged as “staging of politics”(politainment). Self-dramatization in media society concerning media discourses about politics and political self-portrayal has become a basic principle of political communication. Self-dramatization is a vital challenge for adequate political communication and content-based orientation in our present media democracies.

• 한국체육학회지인문사회과학편
• /
• v.51 no.5
• /
• pp.51-61
• /
• 2012

The purpose of this study is to survey fundamental limitations and problems of sports event hosting from the critical point of view and to set future-oriented perspective. The reason and legitimacy for hosting sports event have come from pragmatism based on ideological logic behind politics. Thus, the flow of advanced studies was mostly limited to the category of efficiency. However, there is fundamental limitation in sports even hosting in terms of its financial expectation and efficiency. Critical approach will contribute to minimizing side effects caused from blind acceptance through awakening dispassionate and realistic judgment. In addition, rational selection of sports even hosting can be achieved through interconnection of sports culturism's directivity as an advanced sense of sports culture, integrated perspective that penetrates problems of growth and distribution and local governance as apolitical philosophy, and of course, through concentration of energy.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
• /
• v.24 no.1
• /
• pp.135-170
• /
• 2018

The recent success of populist parties and candidates in the US and European countries leads to a massive amount of empirical research on populism, a deviant form of representative democracy. Much ink has been spilled to define populism and to identify the causes of its rise and continued success in democratic political system. However, little is known about populist attitudes of individual voters. Using a large-scale online survey fielded in the context of the South Korean presidential election in 2017, this study examines (1) what determines populist attitudes of South Korean voters and (2) how populist attitudes are associated with evaluations of political parties, candidates, and political issues. Statistical analysis reveals that people high on populism are more likely to support an underdog left-wing political party and its presidential candidate, and are less likely to support policies implemented or proposed under the auspices of the Park Geun-hye administration. These findings do not necessarily suggest the inherent affinity between populism and left-wing ideology; rather, it implies populist attitudes happened to appear in 2017, in reactions to lack of confidence in the previous government.

• The Korean Journal of Air & Space Law and Policy
• /
• v.28 no.2
• /
• pp.37-61
• /
• 2013

In modern international law, the absence of legal definition regarding drone(Unmanned Aerial Vehicle) has made legal scholars work on an typical analogy between aircraft codified in the international document and drone. The wording of the Convention on International Civil Aviation is limited to two categories of aircraft, such as civil aircraft and state aircraft, whereas military aircraft is not legally defined. As such it is, the current practices of the State regarding the drone flight over foreign territory have proven a hypothese that drone is being deemed as military aircraft. Principal usage of drone lies in reconnaissance and surveillance mission as well as so-called targeted killing, which is prohibited if the killing is treacherous. Claimed war against terrorism, however, is providing a legal rationale that targeted killing is not treacherous, and that the targeted person is not civilian but combatant. In such context, armed attack of drone is deemed legal and justified. Consequently, such attack is legal in the general context of the war. The rules that govern targeting do not turn on the type of weapon system used, and there is no prohibition under the laws of war on the use of technologically advanced weapons systems in armed conflict so long as they are employed in conformity with applicable laws of war. Drones may present interesting new challenges because of their sophistication and the technological advantage they convey to their operators.

• 대학교육
• /
• s.143
• /
• pp.32-35
• /
• 2006

우리 대학의 리더십 발휘와 책무는 대학사회의 구성원과 정치·경제적 압력, 제도 시스템과 같은 상황적 요소들이 작용하고 있다. 그러나 무엇보다도 가장 큰 정당성의 파워와 정책 결정의 권한을 가진 총장의 리더십이야말로 대학조직 전체 리더십의 핵심 요소이자 촉매제이다. 이러한 총장 리더십의 공통적인 덕목을 집약해 보면 대학총장은 비전과 꿈을 가져야 하며, 창조적 사고를 가지고, 대학의 생존전략 우선순위를 선택할 수 있는 능력 있고 전문가적인 자질을 가져야 한다. 또한 개방된 의식을 지녀야 하며, 국제적 감각이 있는, 교육경영자로서의 CEO형 총장이 되어야 한다. 그리고 재원확보에 다각적인 노력을 하여 그 기대에 부응해야 한다.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
• /
• v.27 no.1
• /
• pp.79-115
• /
• 2021

Voters' negative evaluations of government performance lower their trust in government, which functions as the reward and punishment for the government. Trust in government thus serves to promote political accountability of the representative government. However, voters build their confidence toward the party government where the ruling party is responsible for the performance. Considering this partisan nature, we empirically examine that the influence of voters' performance evaluations on governmental trust is conditional on their party identifications. While higher perceptions of political/social conflict and increasing negative evaluations of government policies and economic performance are associated with the lower level of confidence in government, the relationship is contrasted between different party identifiers. For supporters of the ruling party in 2020, the negative evaluations of government performance are not likely to reduce trust in government a lot. On the contrary, those who identify with the main opposition party show the most prominent effect of negative evaluations on their distrust in government. This study demonstrates that trust in government is affected by voters' partisan preferences, not entirely by evaluations of government performance. Such a distortion of the reward and sanction function of governmental trust might lead to the weakening of the accountability mechanism in representative democracy.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
• /
• v.15 no.2
• /
• pp.131-158
• /
• 2009

20 years has passed since June democratization movement of 1987 that made the representative system worked democratically on the basis of free election politics. So far, democratic movement bloc has been elected to government power at least two times. Conservative bloc of old ruling forces made a peaceful re-turn-over and grasped the government power. It looks that electoral democracy has been working very well. But people's distrust in Korean politics is not decreasing. Recently, crisis of representation is discussed. Korean representative system faces the dual tasks. One originates from the delay of institutional reform, another from the change of political circumstances. This paper diagnose the Korean representative democracy of today, focusing on those dual tasks. Especially, it is proposed to reform the present Korean presidentialism of winner-takes-all power structure. It is also to resolve the problem of Korean parliamentary politics deeply depending on the presidency.

• Korean journal of communication and information
• /
• v.39
• /
• pp.69-101
• /
• 2007

Some clauses of the prior review rules for broadcasting commercials, which are enforced by the Broadcasting Act violate the right to free speech guaranteed by the Constitution. The range of prohibited expression under the clauses are too vague and overbroad to distinguish between permissible and impermissible broadcasting commercials. The clauses also fail to pass the constitutional principle that restrict government from excessive regulation on constitutional rights. The principle has a four-pronged test on the government action; 1) the validity of its goal; 2) availability of appropriate means; 3) necessity of infringement; 4) and balancing test of interests. Some clauses of the prior review rules that forbid expressions on sensitive political and cultural issues fail to pass none of the four-pronged standards.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
• /
• v.23 no.1
• /
• pp.37-79
• /
• 2017

The major purpose of this paper is to analyze the evolution of the presidential system in South Korea during the past three decades ever since the country's democratization in 1987 from the comparative institutional perspective. As imperial presidentialism during the so-called three Kim's era(1987-2003) disappeared right after the political retirement of the three Kims in 2003, then president-centered presidentialism emerged during the post-three Kim's era, since the country's recent three presidents possessed their relatively low-level of partisan power in terms of their control of National Assemblies and their respective presidents' parties during their presidencies. South Korea has now a strong possibility to transform the current president-centered presidentialism into the American-style separatist presidential system in the near future, since the country's National Assembly has continuously been making its efforts to function as an effective governing body being compatible with the American Congress. In addition, the country's judiciary branch has effectively been playing a political role like the US supreme court ever since the country's democratization in 1987. It is also emphasized that South Korea's civic society is currently playing as a guardian of democracy through its effective and responsive political participations in many public sectors for promoting civic liberties, public welfare, and other democratic values. South Korea now needs to carry out constitutional revisions, political reforms of legislative system, party system, and electoral system as well as correct some contradictory political understandings and habits in a way to transform the current president-centered presidentialism into American-style separatist presidential system in the near future.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
• /
• no.53
• /
• pp.101-129
• /
• 2017

The core of Ahn Jaihong's 'Bulhamdo(不咸道)' is the principle of 'bark(?) bal(?) baer(배어)', and it forms the basis of the 'Dasarism.' Ahn Jaihong's 'Dasarism' explains the meaning of the Korean number by its etymology, and give it a political philosophical significance. He pays attention to the number of 'five (다섯)' especially, and his 'Dasarism' is based on this as well. According to him, 'five(다섯)' means 'Dasari(다사리)', and 'Dasari' means both 'everyone says what they think' and 'makes everyone live well' simultaneously. Ahn Jaihong tries to establish a unified nation state with Dasarism through which conflicts of right and left could be sublated. In order to do this, he had to offer 'a doctrine that can unite the opposing factions' and 'the prospect of a new country.' He discovered these two elements in interpreting the etymology of Han-gul, and organized these things into 'Chosun political philosophy.'