• Korean Journal of Social Welfare Studies
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• v.42 no.1
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• pp.31-54
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• 2011

This study investigates the nature of the welfare state under the Kim Dae Jung and Roh Moo Hyun regime focusing on participatory democracy in the policy decision making procedure for the National Health Insurance. Participatory democracy was introduced not for the qualitative development of Korean democracy but for securing political legitimacy to change the Korean economic structure after the IMF financial crisis. Although participatory democracy played the positive role in winning higher benefit level in National Health Insurance. an index for the development of the welfare state, in 2007 A policy of higher benefit level ended in failure because of the pursuit of the neoliberal ideology, lack of government's responsibility for public finance, and thwarting policy holders' substantial participation in the decision-making process. Like those of past welfare systems, participatory democracy under the Kim Dae Jung and Roh Moo Hyun regime was introduced for securing political legitimacy. But it was managed under restrictions imposed by pro-economic-growth ideology. Nevertheless, the Kim Dae Jung and Roh Moo Hyun governments are different from the former welfare states because of the fact that participatory democracy system is not 'service' system but 'political structure' and the fact that the grant of powers by participatory democracy played positive roles in the development of welfare state through request of higher benefit level policy.

• The Korean Publising Journal, Monthly
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• s.251
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• pp.26-26
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• 1999

보비오가 근대적인 정치이념으로서의 중도좌파(사회민주주의)이념과 제도로서의 좌파정당의 유효성을 강조하는 반면, 기든스.벡.래쉬는 성찰적 근대화 이전의 전통적인 좌파이념과 좌파정당의 한계를 강조하고 있다.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.24 no.1
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• pp.203-239
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• 2018

Responsible government can be achieved when social cleavages are institutionalized via political competition and social interests are represented by responsible parties. This paper aims to investigate the factors that determine welfare expenditures in Korean local governments by analyzing partisanship and political competition factors simultaneously in the same model. This paper also argues that the relationship between the political factors and welfare expenditures in local governments is not linearly increasing as the previous studies claim. This paper examines the welfare expenditures in Korean municipality-level local governments in 2007, 2011, and 2015. The primary findings are: 1) the partisanship of the head of local government and the party distribution of local assembly members have meaningful effect on the welfare expenditures and the divided governments do not show significantly different effect on welfare expenditures from unified governments, which is contrary to the extant studies, 2) the partisan effects of the head and the local assembly vary according to the levels of municipalities (Gu, Gun, and city), mainly due to the difference in types of revenues and expenditures and 3) the relationship between seats shares of progressive parties in local assembly and the welfare expenditure is not linearly increasing one. The effect of seats shares of progressive parties dramatically begins to increase when the seats shares are in 40%-60%. With these findings, this paper highlights the conservative nature of head of local governments with Hannara party (or Saenuri Party), the conservative leaning of independent candidates, and the conservative orientation of local assemblies in the regions dominated by Democratic Party (and its equivalents).

• Journal of Digital Convergence
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• v.9 no.1
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• pp.153-164
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• 2011

The social computing which is growing rapidly, has been scaling up the influencing power in every area and extending its activities into the political area. On the other hand, political participation trend of citizens gave rise to an innovative idea, so called 'Smart Citizens Party'. This requires the receptiveness and the openness of the party. So smart citizens party needs the smooth communication structure based on social computing as well as ICT(Information Communication Technology). That is, to embody the Smart Citizens Party, social computing framework for its is required. The purpose of this study is to suggest the social computing framework as the technical base of smart citizens party. To achieve this purpose, this paper will analyze the rise of the social web and ICT & innovation of public(and political) sector, study the concept and impacts of social computing and the concept and characteristics of Smart Citizens Party, and describe the framework, its elements and its service functions of social computing.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.27 no.3
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• pp.69-106
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• 2021

This paper aims to explain why severe political conflicts and confrontation between the ruling and opposition forces have been continuously caused, focusing on the institutional combination of presidentialism and the two-party system with strong party disciplines, after democratization in South Korea. And this also presents the US as a case in which presidentialism and a two-party system with weak party disciplines were combined once, and the Chile as another case in which presidentialism and a multi-party system with strong party disciplines is combined, respectively, and further analyzes how the chance of consensual politics could be raised in both the countries. In addition, this study suggests a practical implication that, in South Korea also, the political reforms for changes in party system such as the decentralization or democratization in party organizations to enhance the autonomy of individual legislators, or the introduction of runoff system in presidential elections or proportional representation system in parliamentary elections to product a multi-party system, are required for a high chance of consensual politics.

• Proceedings of the Korean System Dynamics Society
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• 2000.02a
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• pp.61-96
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• 2000

“다운사이징은 조직의 기술혁신에 어떠한 영향관계를 형성하면서 순환하는가？” 80년대 미국의 기업들이 다운사이징의 열풍을 건너면서, 90년대에 들어 국내의 기업들도 다운사이징 및 해고에 대한 정당성을 지속적으로 피력해 나갔다. 사회적 거부감의 팽배로 인해 본격적인 실행조치를 취하지는 못하던 중에, IMF 체제로까지 물려나간 기업들은 마침내 본격적으로 다운사이징을 실행 화하기 시작하였다. 기업이 다운사이징을 한다는 것은 해당기업은 물론이고 이해관계자, 정치영역, 사회전반체계 등에 지대한 영향을 미친다. 특히 국민정서가 개인주의가 아닌 공동체의식이 발달해있는 문화권에 속한 우리의 사정에서 그 영향력은 훨씬 더 막대하다. 수많은 논쟁들이 다운사이징의 정당성을 놓고 치열하게 진행되고 있다. 국내의 기업들이 겪고 있는 상황은 구태여 어떠한 자료를 제시하지 않더라도 그 생존에 대한 절실함은 이미 잘 알려져 있다. 한보파동, 기아사태, 대우사태로 연결되고 있는 기업들의 생존문제는 다운사이징의 정당성 문제를 이미 공리 화시키고 있다.(중략)

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.25 no.2
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• pp.103-139
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• 2019

This study aims to verify how trust in government leads voters' electoral participation with paying attention to their political orientations. In particular, this study takes voters' partisan consideration into account to examine different direction of the effect of trust in government on electoral participation depending on their ideology and partisan preferences. Key findings show that governmental trust has a positive influence on electoral participation for voters who have conformable ideological orientations to the incumbent government and positive preferences toward the ruling party. In contrast, distrust in government is more likely to increase the possibility of electoral participation for those who have different ideology from the incumbent, negative attitude toward the ruling party, and partisan preferences of the opposition party. Previous studies on the relationship between governmental trust and electoral participation have been mixed as yet. For the sake of explaining this inconclusiveness, this study focuses on partisan foundation of voters' political decision making. It contributes to our understanding of the political properties of governmental trust and its implications for representative democracy.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.11 no.1
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• pp.340-349
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• 2011

This research analyzes the 4P(Police-Press-Politics-Public) model for establish an ideal relationship between press and police and suggests some practical policies. Through the examination of the relations among 4Ps(Police-Press-Politics-Public), Jean-Louis Loubet Del Bayle proposes 3 models from three aspets : exchange of information, relation of power, relation of legitimacy. The analysis of his models shows that politics and public give social and political legitimacy to police and press which, based on the legitimacy, thereby obtain necessary informations from external entities to fulfil their original functions. On the other hand, the inevitable relation of press and police with politics and public caused from their social functions, in turn, makes the relationship between press and police more complicated and delicate. This research concludes, the relationship between police and press should be well balanced for their successful social functions and benefits of the public. To this end, this study suggests that a specific press guideline which is imposed on press and police, must be prepared and that a specialized press office must be established in the police.

• Journal of Science and Technology Studies
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• v.10 no.2
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• pp.143-174
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• 2010

How can a regulatory policy to address potential hazards be made legitimate in the face of scientific uncertainty? The precautionary principle has been gradually regarded as the most persuasive answer to this intricate question in Europe since the 1970s and generally recognized as a guiding principle in international environmental law. This principle, however, has often been subject to diverse concerns and criticisms due to its vague definition. This article tries to elaborate the precautionary principle while reviewing both the validity and unreasonableness of these criticisms over this principle. Then, this article explores the policy relevance of this principle by applying this elaborated definition to the concrete case of risk governance such as the risk assesment of food safety. In the end, this paper emphasizes the fact that the precautionary principle can be applied in the field of risk governance, refuting the argument that the precautionary principle is only a moral attitude or a political position.

• Proceedings of the Korea Water Resources Association Conference
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• 2010.05a
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• pp.393-398
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• 2010

본 연구는 남북한 공유하천을 둘러싼 문제를 가장 근본적인 사항에서부터 재조명하고자 하는 시도로 이루어졌다. 우선 국제법상 논의의 대상이 되고 있는 국제적인 공유하천(international rivers)의 법리성을 살펴보고, 공유하천이 가질 수밖에 없는 특수성을 이해하고자 하였다. 공유하천의 상류지역에 접한 국가와 하류지역에 접한 국가의 법적 정치적인 입장 차이를 알아보고, 분쟁의 원인과 분쟁해결과정을 고찰하였다. 그리고 국제적인 법전화 노력이 지속적으로 추진되고 있음에도 불구하고 국가 간 합의를 이루지 못하고 있는 사안을 집중적으로 분석하였다. 공유하천의 문제는 비단 남북한에 국한된 문제는 아니다. 상당히 오랜 시간 국제사회에서 갈등의 원인을 제공하여 왔으며, 그 해결방법을 찾는 일은 현재에도 지속적으로 이루어지고 있다. 우리나라의 경우, 궁극적으로 공공관리를 위한 방안을 마련하여야 할 것이다. 그 전제조건으로 남북 공유하천의 법적지위를 명확히 할 필요가 있다. 본 연구는 국제적인 공유하천의 사례연구를 통하여 남북한 공유하천의 법적인 지위를 명확히 하고, 이에 따른 법적 정당성을 모색하고자 한다.