• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.28 no.4
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• pp.161-196
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• 2018

The major object of this study is to analyze the political development of Myanmar's civilian government on the concept of defective democracy, and to investigate the main actors who delayed or stymied political development and their interrelation. In doing so, this study suggests the tasks required for political development overcoming the current political structure and behavior. The civilian government, which was launched in 2016, failed to achieve positive political development by following the behavior of military authoritarianism in terms of exercise of power and decision making structure. On the perspective of the government, delegative democracy and domain democracy have been strengthening since one person has taken over all political power and hesitate to take horizontal accountability for each power organizations. The military, which is responsible for national defence and security seeks illiberal democracy and exclusive democracy, keeping on an undemocratic constitution by the military and Burman ethnocentrism. The reasons why defective democracy has been occurred are that the lack of a group to run a democratic institutions and the limitation of power structure that fails to adhere to the principle of civilian control to the military due to long-term military rule. Therefore, there is a need for military's come back to barracks and transform the power structure to democratic of the civilian government which is tamed an authoritarian order for the political development in Myanmar. In order to achieve this, this study concludes that setting up a empowered democratic government is required.

• Journal of Industrial Convergence
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• v.20 no.5
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• pp.21-28
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• 2022

Unlike previous studies, this study looked at the effect of the ideological tendencies of local government heads on the social welfare budget as a longitudinal study. This study was made possible by the election of the head of a progressive group in Gumi-si, a stronghold of conservatives, after the implementation of the local self-government system. Therefore, in this study, the change process of the political ideological orientation of Gumi-si's heads and the social welfare budget by year were listed and time-series analysis was conducted using actual cases of Gumi-si, Gyeongbuk for more than 12 years. As a result of the analysis, first, as in the cross-sectional analysis, in the longitudinal study, the change in the rate of increase in the social welfare budget according to the political ideological tendencies of the head of the local government showed a meaningful difference. Second, as in the previous cross-sectional analysis, the social welfare budget increased in the year before the election. Third, the same change in the growth rate as in the second did not appear at the end of the third elected term. All studies on the relationship between the political ideological tendencies of local government heads (including local councils) and the social welfare budget have been cross-sectional. However, this study has great implications in terms of the results of the first longitudinal cross-sectional analysis.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.18 no.12
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• pp.456-467
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• 2018

This study analyzed the repeated causes of policy failure focusing on Yangyang International Airport cases. Yangyang International Airport, which opened in 2002, was built with about 360 billion won, but it is considered as a representative example of policy failure of local airports. According to the policy failure theory, the failure factors of Yangyang International Airport are anlyzed by rationalistic, political, and environmental complexity viewpoint. The results are as follows. First, from a rationalist point of view, Yangyang Airport failed to achieve the policy goal of securing passengers and revitalizing local economy, This is due to the pressure of politics and the lack of geographical infrastructure. Second, the failure of the stakeholders to resolve conflicts in the flow of politics can be seen as the conflict between the airline and the airport, and the failure to reconcile conflicts between the government and the airports on the low cost airline permits and subsidies. Third, from the viewpoint of environmental complexity, Yangyang International Airport can be regarded as a failure to adapt to environmental changes such as the opening of nearby expressways and railway lines, and the sharp decline of Chinese tourists. This study sugeests the establishment of an independent organization that can prevent unreasonable business promotion by politics in the case of large scale national projects, the linkage with the surrounding infrastructure and related businesses in the case of transportation facilities such as airports and railways, and institutionalization of cooperative governance for coordinating conflict among stakeholders.

• Journal of Digital Convergence
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• v.13 no.3
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• pp.49-54
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• 2015

This study carried out a survey targeting sample of 609 audience panel voters of 15 regions including Seoul during the campaign period of Korean presidential election on December 19, 2012. It was analyzed that how the attitude to the candidate, the support to the policy and the voters'variables affected the vote-getting in the engagement attributes. The analysis shows that high participation of the engagement attributes does not always mean that the political candidate is satisfactory at the political campaign. The fact that high engagement attribute does not always affect the other attributes is interpreted that engagement attributes do not have correlation at the political campaign. And the candidate should approach the voters more carefully as there are differences among the engagement attributes in the attitude to the candidate and the support to the policy. In the engagement attributes, voters show little difference according to gender, region, income and marriage but show much difference according to age and education level. So it will be a principal index in the future political campaign.

• Journal of Digital Convergence
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• v.17 no.8
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• pp.321-327
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• 2019

The purpose of this research is to identify the level of perception of conflict with politics within nursing organizations in large general hospitals, and to empirically analyze how politics and conflicts in the organization affect workplace bullying(taeoom) within nursing organizations. The research method conducted multiple regression analysis on 273 nurses working at A University Hospital in Seoul. The analysis shows that political and relationship conflicts within the organization are amplifying the workplace bullying within the nursing system. It was confirmed that taeoom was also increasing as conflicts between factions or subgroups within the nursing system, alienation, and emotional conflicts among members grew. We hope that the future research regarding taeoom will seek serious theoretical insights and practical implications for its management.

• Proceedings of the Korea Water Resources Association Conference
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• 2011.05a
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• pp.101-105
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• 2011

공유하천의 물 배분문제는 이해당사자간 입장차이가 뚜렷하여 일관된 해결책을 찾기가 어려운 과제이다. 따라서 문제해결을 위한 접근방법이나 적용하고자 하는 논리와 원칙이 일방적일 수 있으며, 연안국가간 서로 상반되는 논리를 주장하는 것이 대부분이다. 즉 어떤 국가든 자기에게 가장 유리한 입장을 취하게 되며 상대방의 주장에 동조하는 자세는 자국 내에서 큰 비판에 직면할 수 있다는 정치적 부담이 있다. 결국 각각의 연안국가들은 자기에게 가장 유리한 이론과 논리를 내세우게 되며 타협과 협력에 도달하기 위해서는 수문, 기상, 사회, 문화, 경제 및 정치적 문제를 극복해야 한다. 본 연구에서는 남북공유하천의 공평하고 합리적인 이용방법을 제시하기 위하여 이해관계가 복잡한 하류유역의 수리권을 추정하였다. 이를 위해 국제 공유하천에서 수리권 배분을 위한 표준화된 법칙이 없으므로 과거 사례 분석을 통해 해석방법을 찾고자 하였다. 아울러 현재 남북공유하천의 문제점을 진단하고 국제사례를 통해 하류국가인 남한지역에 기득수리권이 존재함을 증명하고자 하였다. 또한 수리권 배분(북한의 임남댐 보장방류량)을 위해 국제적으로 적용된 사례와 이의 평가기준 등을 고려하여 남북공유하천에 적용하고자 하였다.

• The Journal of Industrial Distribution & Business
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• v.2 no.1
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• pp.29-37
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• 2011

It remains that South and North Korea are the most conflict ridden region of the world and at high risk of military collision despite the appropriateness and necessity of unification between South and North Korea. Meanwhile, our government has pushed ahead with exchange between the two countries in many different fields to defuse this conflict and tension. But, these efforts have made it less meaningful as South-North relations are strained again. This can be because temporary recovery of political relation didn't proceed to system improvement and economic cooperation. This study on exchange cooperation of circulation · distribution between South and North Korea begins with expectation that this study will be based on realizing free circulation · distribution for the unification and making an economic bloc through exchange cooperation of circulation · distribution. To expand economy exchange and cooperation between the two nations, the field of circulation · distribution should be developed. On the basis of this discussion, this study suggests that cooperation relation and the mood of reconciliation created by political declaration are institutionalized in the national consensus and exchange should be expanded in the economic field as well as political field.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.25 no.2
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• pp.103-139
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• 2019

This study aims to verify how trust in government leads voters' electoral participation with paying attention to their political orientations. In particular, this study takes voters' partisan consideration into account to examine different direction of the effect of trust in government on electoral participation depending on their ideology and partisan preferences. Key findings show that governmental trust has a positive influence on electoral participation for voters who have conformable ideological orientations to the incumbent government and positive preferences toward the ruling party. In contrast, distrust in government is more likely to increase the possibility of electoral participation for those who have different ideology from the incumbent, negative attitude toward the ruling party, and partisan preferences of the opposition party. Previous studies on the relationship between governmental trust and electoral participation have been mixed as yet. For the sake of explaining this inconclusiveness, this study focuses on partisan foundation of voters' political decision making. It contributes to our understanding of the political properties of governmental trust and its implications for representative democracy.

• Proceedings of the Korea Air Pollution Research Association Conference
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• 2003.11a
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• pp.522-523
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• 2003

1992년 리우에서 결의된 기후변화협약은 전 인류의 공통된 그러나, 차별화된 온실가스감축 노력을 약속한 국제 환경협약인 동시에 국가경제활동을 좌우할 경제협약 나아가 기술협약의 성격을 지니고 있다. 에너지 이용과 밀접한 관계를 가지는 지구 온난화문제는 최근 미국의 교토의정서 탈퇴 선언으로 인해 기본구조가 흔들리는 위기를 맞기도 하였지만, 유럽연합을 비롯한 대부분의 국가는 지구환경 보존이라는 명분에 따라 정치적 합의를 도출함에 따라 우리나라에서도 지구 온난화 방지를 위한 온실 기체 저감 기술의 개발이 필요한 실정이다.(중략)

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.33
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• pp.335-358
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• 2008

Hosan Park Moon Ho lived in the truly eventful era with keen competition of western powers, invasion of Japan, Confucianism based Movement against Western Power, Volunteer Army Movement against Japanese and etc. Therefore, his learning and idea could not help being related with such difficult environment of his country. Especially, his idea is directly related with such historical environment of his era in terms of his claims as follow: He thought that Christianity destroyed Korean traditional idea and good customs; he claimed that the nation should subdue the betrayers who were at the Japanese side and be revenged on the murder of the empress Myeongseong; and he advocated his own theory for civilization that the nation should be strictly against the imperial invasion of western powers but work for GaeMulSeongMu(開物成務: Achieving Everything through Enlightenment on Meaning of Everything) and HwaMin SeongSok(化民成俗: Forming Beautiful Customs by Educating the People). The problem that should be urgently solved that time was, first of all, to repel the invasion of Japan and western powers and to realize Confucianism based political ideal by scheming political and social stability and saving the people's livelihood from distress through such repelling.