• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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• v.22 no.4
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• pp.745-760
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• 2016

The name of a place represents the social and political power relations as well as showing a certain physical space. In particular, the East Sea is not only a representative name of areas represent our country, but also the name of place being in competition with the Sea of Japan internationally. Korea is committed in many ways to spread the name of East Sea in the international community, and gradually expand its name power. The purpose of this study was to investigate the names used in the newspapers and broadcasting in Francophone countries except France by analyzing the newspaper articles and broadcasting contents, and to illuminate how the names of the East Sea produced in France, and the discussion about the names were diffused in Francophone countries and what kind of influence they had on those countries. This study selected Algeria in North Africa, Belgium and Luxembourg in West Europe, and Quebec in Canada for the research areas. As a result, while Algeria in North Africa and Luxembourg are showing inhospitality to the name East Sea, Belgium and Quebec are taking a flexible attitude toward this name. In general, most Francophone countries are provided with press releases from AFP in France. Even in same article provided by AFP, The result shows that some media stick to use the name Sea of Japan solely, and others demonstrate a will to use both name East Sea and Sea of Japan simultaneously. This study was able to show that the diffusion and spread of the place name was significantly influenced by social, political interests and powers, the mess geopolitics in pop cultural materials.

• JOURNAL OF ELECTRICAL WORLD
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• s.292
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• pp.21-26
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• 2001

올해는 건청궁 시등으로부터 114년, 한성정기회사 설립으로부터 103년이 되는 해이다. 모두 한 세기를 훌쩍 넘어선 이런 때에 통합체제였던 전력사업이 다시 분할 민등화되는 전력사적 대 전환점에 서게 되었다. 지난 한 세기 동안 전력사업은 정치, 경제, 사회의 변혁 그리고 전력기술의 발전과 더불어 소용돌이쳐 왔다. 사회 경제와 밀접한 연관관계를 갖는 공익사업이기 때문에 공익을 위해 겪어야만 했던 발자취이다. 한성전기 설립 이후 일정말기 태평양전쟁 수행을 위해 정치적, 전FIR적 개편을 강행한 것을 제외하면 순수한 공익목적 달성을 위해 사업의 발전적 해체 및 재정비가 이루어진 전력사적 대 전환점은 세 번 정도 있었다. (1) 초기의 창업과 사업의 난립, (2) 발송전설비의 계획적 배치와 배전권역의 대통합, (3) 통합 한전의 발족 등이 그것이다. 대전환의 도래는 약 35년에서 40년 주기를 보이고 있는데 경제변환주기처럼 순환론적 메커니즘에 의한 변환을 겪은 건 아니지만 ''전력사적 변환''의 필요성이 제기되어 몇 년씩 들끓다가 의식의 순화과정을 거쳐 새로운 구조로 탈바꿈한 발전단계를 거쳐왔다. 지금 우리 전력산업계가 대전환의 시점에 직면해서 여러 가지 진통을 겪고 있는 것도 새로운 체제가 태어나는 역사적 필연의 단계라고 할 수 있다.

• Convergence Security Journal
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• v.23 no.5
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• pp.199-208
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• 2023

South Korea and Japanese governments have never responded cooperatively to North Korea cyber threats in the past 10 years or even before that. There are two reasons: First, The historical and political conflicts between the two countries were so deep that they did not discuss their mutual needs. Second, officially, Japan had not been subjected to a North Korean cyberattack until 2022 . In particular, the issues of comfort women and forced labor during World War II were holding back the reconciliation between the two countries. With the inauguration of the Yoon Seok-yeol administration, Korea-US relati ons improved dramatically. Tensions in Northeast Asia reached their peak due to the conflict between the US and China. It has become a situation where peace cannot be garaunteed without close cooperation between Korea and Japan led by the United States.

• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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• no.119
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• pp.1-33
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• 2017

This article explore the relation between meritocracy and democracy in the context of South-Korea's confucian modernity. It starts with the confirmation that South-Korea's confucian-meritocratic tradition has positive influence on democracy, in similar way as in the western countries where meritocracy was as a basis for democracy evaluated. But meritocracy has not always the positive implication for democracy. This article shows that meritocracy is in its essence 'an ideology of the betrayal' which destroy the basis of democracy through producing and justifying extreme socio-economic inequalities between citizens. But the long confucian-meritocratic tradition of East Asia makes meritocracy ideology attractive for the people, so even the temptation of the 'political meritocracy' is strong, as we see in Singapore and China. This article argues that the political meritocracy cannot be the alternative of democracy, seeks the different way to overcome the crisis of democracy than meritocracy indicate. Finally, it discusses shortly which implications this sort of relation between meritocracy and democracy for the future of South-Korean democracy can have.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.27 no.1
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• pp.131-161
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• 2017

The political dynamics of Malaysia in 2016 should be seen as a process of losing an political opportunity mainly due to the split in opposition parties. The opportunity for political development was triggered by the ruling party in crisis. The ongoing 1Malaysia Development Berhad (1MDB) scandal involving the Prime Minister Najib Razak would have provided a favorable condition for the transfer of power. The opposition parties have however failed to utilize the chance that has arisen since the general elections in 2008 and 2013 due to the chronic problem of disunity. It can be seen as distortions of political development referring to a phenomenon in which a chance for regime change formed by the crisis in authoritarian regime is distorted by internal conflicts among opposition parties. Malaysia's political turmoil seemed to paralyze its economy while foreign policy was used as a tool for domestic politics. It was reported that the key economic indicator have worsen including exports and budget deficit. The ringgit had dropped to its lowest level since the economic crisis in 1997-98 which was mainly attributed to diminishing credibility on the Najib's administration. Najib's political struggle has also impeded Malaysia's foreign policy which has attempt to embrace China and the Rohingya issue. The chance to manage key risks would be diminished if oppositions' disunity continues as there is speculation that the general election could be held in 2017.

• Korean Journal of Comparative Education
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• v.26 no.3
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• pp.161-187
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• 2016

Kuwaitis faced with as serious problems with respect to quality and equity in education. The purpose of this thesis is to analyze the Kuwaiti education in the 21 century knowledge society. It has its own problems and limits in addition to future possibilities. Adopting comparative approaches and idiographic methodology together, investigators firstly examines the Kuwaiti education in terms of political, economic, educational, and international aspects. In addition, we investigators outlined Kuwaiti education in its cultural identity. Necessary measures and policy recommendations were drawn finally according to the analysis.

• Korean Journal of Culture and Social Issue
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• v.29 no.4
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• pp.595-616
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• 2023

The Critical Consciousness Scale (CCS) is a scale developed by Diemer and colleagues (2017) that can measure the capacity of the oppressed or marginalized people to critically analyze their social and political conditions, support societal equality, and take action to change the perceived inequities. In this study, we validated the CCS for Korea by adapting and localizing the scale and validating it among university students. Content validity was verified by having five individuals with master's and doctoral degrees in psychology evaluate the suitability of the translated items. Afterwards, reliability and validity were verified through a survey of 314 university students nationwide using the CCS, along with the opportunity inequality recognition scale, recognition of the need for environmental change scale, social participation scale, and belief in a just world scale. To verify the scale's validity, exploratory factor analysis was conducted, confirming three subfactors. Then, a confirmatory factor analysis was carried out, where 14 items out of the original 22 were retained. The construct validity and reliability of these 14 items were found to be satisfactory. Additionally, in the correlation analysis between the CCS and similar scales, a significant clear relationship was found. The CCS showed a positive correlation with scales such as opportunity inequality recognition, need for environmental change recognition, and social participation, and a negative correlation with the belief in a just world scale. Based on these results, the CCS can be considered valid and reliable. Finally, the limitations and significance of this study were discussed.

• Journal of The Korean Association For Science Education
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• v.30 no.8
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• pp.933-952
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• 2010

This study aims to characterize debate on a socio-scientific issue in the Internet and to provide implications from a postmodernist perspective. This study concentrates on disentanglement of the complex relationship among society, economy, politics and science in an issue and characterization of the given text centering on its originality, the relationship between writer and reader, and the purpose of utterance. Sixty-six most read articles on a web message board were chosen and analyzed as a typical case of a socio-scientific issue in the internet. In them, five scientific disputes were identified: the cause of mad cow disease (MCD), specified risk material and the incubation period, the cause of new variant Creutzfeld-Jakob disease (vCJD), vulnerability of vCJD and the relation of Alzheimer and vCJD in American patients. Each argument is intertwined with social, economic and political problems such as its impact on the domestic beef market, feeding environment of imported cattle and the retaliation against denial of importation. With regard to originality, it is found that the originality of an author is weakened but communal through repetitive quotation of 'Peom', cutting and pasting, and engagement of readers with their comments. Furthermore, in order to close the gap between writer and reader, identity and personal narrative of the writers are often introduced into their writing. In terms of purpose of utterance, these are intended to deliver one's feelings or facilitate human behavior rather than inform through verification of a principle.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.27 no.1
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• pp.163-191
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• 2017

This article aims to review the recent, especially focusing on the year of 2016, situations and prospects of the Vietnamese politics, economy, and international relations. Politically, Vietnam completed the election of members for the National Assembly and organized new leadership at the 12th National Congress of the Vietnamese Communist Party in 2016. One characteristic of the new leadership is that the politicians, especially the members of politburo, from the North continue to occupy the position of majority. The other one is that the new leadership promised to carry out the restructuring of economy toward industries producing higher value-added commodities even though Vietnam industries admittedly need to accelerate present industrialization and modernization as a developing country under the seemingly contradictory slogan of "the development of market economy for socialism." The declared goals of the new leadership in Vietnam are inevitable in a sense since the development of Vietnamese economy has been heavily dependent upon Foreign Direct Investment(FDI) taking advantage of Vietnamese cheap labor and simultaneously it is evident that its future is unsecure if it maintains status quo. In fact, the Vietnamese economy has impressively showed high growth rate by the help of foreign capitals since 1990s despite the repetitive recessions of global economy but its growth is not likely to be sustainable anymore if it will not reduce foreign dependency and social economic inequality in a long term. In a short run, global economic recession, the financial and monetary policies of global powers, and recent protectionism and uncertainty of trade agreements will be three crucial variables to affect Vietnamese economy. In terms of international relations, Vietnam is continuously expected to practise the policy of checks and balances among the powerful countries. Vietnam has seriously disputed with China on islands sovereignty in the South China Sea and attempted to maintain close relationship with other powerful countries including especially America. However, mainly due to the new protectionism by the regime of American president Donald Trump, the Vietnamese government also need to keep close relationship with China increasingly for both economic and diplomatic security. Under the circumstances, Vietnam is expected to maintain more practical and balanced international relations.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.24 no.1
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• pp.203-239
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• 2018

Responsible government can be achieved when social cleavages are institutionalized via political competition and social interests are represented by responsible parties. This paper aims to investigate the factors that determine welfare expenditures in Korean local governments by analyzing partisanship and political competition factors simultaneously in the same model. This paper also argues that the relationship between the political factors and welfare expenditures in local governments is not linearly increasing as the previous studies claim. This paper examines the welfare expenditures in Korean municipality-level local governments in 2007, 2011, and 2015. The primary findings are: 1) the partisanship of the head of local government and the party distribution of local assembly members have meaningful effect on the welfare expenditures and the divided governments do not show significantly different effect on welfare expenditures from unified governments, which is contrary to the extant studies, 2) the partisan effects of the head and the local assembly vary according to the levels of municipalities (Gu, Gun, and city), mainly due to the difference in types of revenues and expenditures and 3) the relationship between seats shares of progressive parties in local assembly and the welfare expenditure is not linearly increasing one. The effect of seats shares of progressive parties dramatically begins to increase when the seats shares are in 40%-60%. With these findings, this paper highlights the conservative nature of head of local governments with Hannara party (or Saenuri Party), the conservative leaning of independent candidates, and the conservative orientation of local assemblies in the regions dominated by Democratic Party (and its equivalents).