• Proceedings of the Korea Contents Association Conference
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• 2011.05a
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• pp.169-170
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• 2011

종교의 문제는 단순한 개인의 종교 문제를 넘어 사회 분열과 통합, 갈등의 문제로 진화되었다. 역사상 종교의 힘은 한 사회를 통합시킬 수도 있고, 반대로 한 사회를 해체할 수도 분열시킬 수도 있는 막강한 힘을 지니고 있다는 것을 보여주고 있다. 세계 곳곳에서 발생하는 테러의 원인 중의 하나 종교문제이다. 이제 한국사회도 다종교사회로 이미 진입했고, 많은 종교단체 같은 종교 내에서도 종파와 종단이 수 십 수백으로 공존하고 있다. 종교간 갈등과 같은 종교내 종단(宗團)안에서 갈등과 대립현상이 분출되고 있다. 종교계의 정치관여 또는 참여 문제와 관련하여 종교계가 본격적인 정당창당이나 정당과의 연합을 통해 정치세력화 할 경우, 이 문제를 우리 사회가 어떻게 할 것인가도 진지하게 논의할 문제이다.

• Iberoamérica
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• v.22 no.1
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• pp.1-30
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• 2020

Recently, in the conservative wave in Latin America, the political participation of the conservative Pentecostal Church has been highlighted. This article analyzes the impact of this political participation on democracy and its development, based on the case of Brazil. First, the Pentecostal churches contributed greatly to religious pluralism, but show an exclusive and aggressive attitude toward other religions and ideologies. Also, in the process of selecting official candidates, most members of the churches are politically mobilized according to the unilateral decisions of the leadership, and these elected candidates serve the specific corporatist interests of their own denomination or church rather than the public interest. In addition, the purpose of political participation to obtain public offices is also a stumbling block to the development of democracy in Brazil by placing it in the direct realization of a specific religious interests or values of the rebuilding of the Christian kingdom.

• The Critical Review of Religion and Culture
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• no.25
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• pp.195-241
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• 2014

When the objective of a modern state focuses on securing basic human right of an individual and realizing public good in a state community, the direction of policy on religion of a state can not deviate far away from such objective. Meanwhile, the policy on religion of modern states today mostly takes the church and state separation principle as its basis. The states secure religious freedom and enforce the separation of church and state by differentiating religion and the mundane world and establishing the relation between the two. This study examined the church and state separation principle, which is an important system device of recent age nation-states, and explored the possibility of more active policy on religion. First, the relationship among religion, state and politics was examined from more structural and functional viewpoint. Next, how the separation of church and state principle has become recent age political principle and what was the settlement process of church and state separation in other countries are summarized. At last, the actual situation of church and state separation in Korea, the structural limitation of it and the direction of policy on religion are examined. The application experience of church and state separation principle is quite short in Korean society. In addition, when there is a religious issue, there is the trend of evading the issue unconditionally or responding to it passively. However, the religious culture in Korean society is one of the biggest cultural resources and social assets. Since it has big potential as driving force for the advance of state, it is regretful to leave religion alone as it is. Therefore, this study explored the original limitations of church and state separation principle which are limiting the religious policy of of state and searched for a theoretical basis for the utilization of resources in religious culture as driving force of state by overcoming the limitations. This study examined the situation in Korea by paying attention to how differently the church and state separation principle is being applied in other states, The separation of church and state, which is the basis of policy on religion in Korea, belongs to 'similar separation type' like in Japan; therefore, there is a trend of doctrinaire interpretation or arbitrary interpretation. This study suggests that it is required to overcome this limping state and settle down the church and state separation principle, which fits to Korean society, as a social and cultural practice. It is also suggested that more active policy on religion would be enforced by wider interpretation of church and state separation.

• 중국학논총
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• no.68
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• pp.211-233
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• 2020

上古时代原始性的巫术信仰和政治有着不可分割的关系, 可以说原始宗教信仰和巫术信仰的性质有一脉相通的方面, 上古时代原始性的巫术信仰和妇女有着不可分割的关系, 所以在后代妇女们的宗教活动中也起着极大的影响, 不过巫师的作用和与宗教性相关联的巫儿相比, 其由神格化人物被升华到具有以强大威力降神或管理超自然, 给人间降祸福等非凡的超能力。并且, 具有巫师资格和非凡能力的主观条件是作为代替神和上帝及鬼神相同的象征性人物要有超越一般人的灵验能力。虽然尚不能明确巫师的起源从何时开始, 但其存在是不可否认的事实。并且由巫师的职责带有和宗教直接性的关联这点来看不仅和"巫儿之俗"不是没关系, 而且可以判断为这点由某种关联性变迁而来的。另外特别认为这种和政治社会无法分割的关系决不是一种偶然。它是从上古时代没有消失, 不断流.

• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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• no.95
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• pp.59-93
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• 2011

Die vorliegende Abhandlung beschäftigt sich mit der Frage, ob Jacque Derrida das Problem des Global-Terrorismus im politisch-theologischen Sinne mit seiner Philosophie der Gastfreundschaft lösen kann. Fur Derrida ist der '11. September' das 'Ereignis', und das Symptom einer autoimmunitären Erkrakung der westlichen Welt. Derrida findet im '11. September Ereignis' die Struktur der Aneignung des Eignen und der Enteignung im Heideggerschen Sinne. Das 'major event' wird nicht in einer vergangenen Aggression bestanden haben, die präsent und wirksam ist und noch schlimmer in der Futur sein wird. Derrida versucht einen philosophischen, politisch-theologischen Ansatz zur Bedingungen der Möglichkeit der absoluten, vollkommenen Auflösung des Globalen Terrorismus zu programmieren. Dafür fordert er das Postulat Verwirklichung des 'Messianischen ohne Messianismus'. Die Gegenüberstellung zwei politischer Theologien zwischen der Europäischen Demokratie und der Islamischen Vereinigten Staaten kann erlöst werden, wenn die 'neue religiöse Spiritualität', die gegenüber der dogmatischen Religionswahrheit frei ist, mit der 'Wiederkehr der Religion' im echten Sinne vorkommt. In der 'Neuen Religion' Derridas ist der Begriff der 'Gastfreundschaft' wichtiger als der der 'Toleranz', den er als 'abrahamitisch' definiert. Die von Derrida postulierte neue Religion ist eine offene Religion, in der das Unvergebbare unbedingt zu vergeben ist. Ihre politische Transformation ist der Begriff der 'Neuen Europäischen Gemeinschaft' und des 'Anderen Kaps'. Derrida postuliert diese neue Idee des Kosmopolitismus als die notwendige Bedingung der vollkommenen Auflösung des autoimmunitären Global-Terrorismus.

• Iberoamérica
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• v.23 no.2
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• pp.55-91
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• 2021

This article dealing with the political participation of Argentine Conservative Protestants tried to examine the effect of such political participation on democratic values and order. To this end, it focused on the subject of religious equality and freedom, and issues of same-sex marriage and sex education. First, the demands of the Protestants, who insisted on the equal treatment of all religions by correcting the religious discrimination policies, a legacy of the colonial era and the military regime, are very natural and self-evident, when we presuppose the value of a democratic society based on political equality and human rights. It can be said that it has contributed to the democratization of society by aiming to solve the old problems of society. But when it comes to same-sex marriage and sex education, things are quite different. Without considering the social situations of the socially disadvantaged or minorities, or the legislative purpose of defending their rights, they insist on only their teachings of scriptures or ethics, even within Protestantism, there is a disagreement on interpretation. These theocratic views and exclusivist attitudes can seriously infringe on the human rights or freedoms of people of different religions, or different choices about marriage or sexuality, among other things. It can be a serious threat to democratic order and values.

• SUVANNABHUMI
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• v.4 no.1
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• pp.27-43
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• 2012

본 연구에서는 미얀마, 베트남, 일본에서 외부문명의 영향을 받은 것으로 여겨지는 정령숭배의 특징에 대하여 논하고자 한다. 우선, 각 국가의 전승을 비교해볼 때 정령숭배에 있어서 충격적인 상황 속에서 사망한 이들에 대한 신앙이 중요하다는 점을 지적하였다. 다음으로 정령의 형성에 있어서 정치적 역할이 개입되었다는 사실을 논하였다. 마지막으로 종교 혼합주의는 성(性, gender)과 관련되어 있음을 주장하였다.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.5
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• pp.183-263
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• 1998

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.25 no.3
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• pp.33-67
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• 2019

This study analyzes whether online political activities have an important impact on attitudes toward the legalization of same-sex marriage and the anti-discrimination law and whether these effects are different by the religion of voters. The main findings are as follows. First, the ideology variable has a significant effect on attitude toward legalizing same-sex marriage and enacting anti-discrimination law. Second, the higher the degree of online political activities, the more likely they will support two issues. Third, the effect on attitudes toward the enactment of anti-discrimination law has appeared different by religion. In other words, Protestants, compared to other religions, are more likely to oppose the enactment of anti-discrimination laws as the level of online political activities increased. Our study is meaningful in that we found online political activities play an important role in making voters' attitudes positively toward the enhancement of the right of sexual minorities. Also, although ideological conflicts are usually intense in diplomatic and security issues in Korea, the sexual minority issue would be likely to be an crucial as a dimension of ideological conflicts.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.28 no.2
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• pp.147-179
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• 2018

Basuki Tjahaja Purnama, Jakarta's Ex-Governor, lost his re-election bid in 2017 and then was jailed on a charge of blasphemy. After his defeat, the rhetorics of Indonesian politics was divided into two opposing sides: anti-Communism and 'pribumi' of the radical Islamic movements and Pancasila of the Jokowi administration. Although Islamic political parties are now preoccupied with their own coalitional politics and survivals, rather than solidarity of Islamic forces, the rising Islamic sentiments confirmed by the Jakarta election indicate that religion will continue to be a key variable in Indonesian politics. Meanwhile, ex-military generals who declared themselves as candidates in the 2018 regional election and the 2019 presidential election, as well as a few measures used by the Jokowi administration against extra-parliamentary political opponents, remind us of Suharto's New Order. Steady growth continues in economy. The raise of minimum wage enlarged middle classes and led to a decline of the poverty rate. Jokowi's commitment to building infrastructure has made tangible achievements. Under these circumstances, enhanced cooperation between Indonesia and South Korea is laudable, though any such cooperation must fully incorporate local sociocultural contexts, such as the strengthened halal certification system.