• 한국사회정책
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• v.20 no.2
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• pp.69-96
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• 2013

This paper is to critically review the economic reasoning of non-sustainability of welfare state due to its intrinsic incentive problems and to see how the nordic welfare state responds to them. The welfare state as a political design of state to pursue equality has social insurance as its main economic function. It survives market failure of private insurance to contribute to human capital investment and industrial restructuring. The universal tax-financed welfare state, however, has the problem of tragedy of commons such as reduced work incentive and work ethics. But, the existing nordic welfare state overcomes it through employment-focused policy arrangements, maintenance of work ethics and benefits moral, incentive mechanism of wage-compression, public educational investment and its complementation with social security. The Nordic model shows that problems of incentive and moral are not about those of theory and reasoning, but about their reality which policies and institutions could respond to.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.39
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• pp.69-101
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• 2007

Some clauses of the prior review rules for broadcasting commercials, which are enforced by the Broadcasting Act violate the right to free speech guaranteed by the Constitution. The range of prohibited expression under the clauses are too vague and overbroad to distinguish between permissible and impermissible broadcasting commercials. The clauses also fail to pass the constitutional principle that restrict government from excessive regulation on constitutional rights. The principle has a four-pronged test on the government action; 1) the validity of its goal; 2) availability of appropriate means; 3) necessity of infringement; 4) and balancing test of interests. Some clauses of the prior review rules that forbid expressions on sensitive political and cultural issues fail to pass none of the four-pronged standards.

• Journal of the Economic Geographical Society of Korea
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• v.5 no.2
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• pp.293-302
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• 2002

China in the era of economic transition has conducted the housing reform policy over the past 20 years. Housing providing systems have changed from the free distributing housing system under the governmental planning to the monetary housing system for individual customers. The 1998 monetary housing distribution policy, which ended the 20-year Chinese housing reform, departed from the direct distribution system that had blocked housing commodification. The purpose of the housing reform was to provide and reproduce housing without the expenses of the Chinese government and work unit (danwei), which is different from Russia. In order to achieve the housing reform, the Chinese government introduced various policies, which enabled residents to purchase housing by themselves. However, it took long for residents, who had taken government's welfare system granted, to accept housing as goods. In addition, the Chinese government's efforts to reproduce housing by market systems failed because housing was closely linked to land and was expensive consumption goods, which differentiates housing from other goods that can be commodified through market prices and diverse ownerships. Accordingly, despite a political burden, the Chinese government waived the real distribution policy for housing. After the waiver, the housing commodification process excelled through the private housing markets.

• KSCE Journal of Civil and Environmental Engineering Research
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• v.30 no.3D
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• pp.295-302
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• 2010

Since the late 1990s, the BOT mode in China has been extensively used in the water sector in order to attract private investment, improve technical and operational efficiency, and expand the coverage of water services. The BOT mode has been hailed as this provides a win-win structure between the government and private players through formalized procedures and an optimal risk allocation. However, recent market analyses show that some foreign investors are reluctant to participate in the market or even retreat due to uncertainties and risks in the market. This study aims to explore various risks in the Chinese water BOT market based on the thorough literature review, fieldwork, and the case studies on the two wholly foreign-owned BOT water projects: the Chengdu No. 6 and the Shanghai Dachang Water Supply BOT projects. The research results indicate that the Chinese BOT market embraces high risks in political, institutional and legal, and financial systems. The key to a successful takeoff of the BOT mode in the Chinese water market depends on the extent to which the government will be able to remove risky factors in political, institutional and legal, and financing systems. This research outcome will provide a useful reference to the Korean construction companies which consider expanding business to overseas water markets in the form of public private partnership.

• Journal of International Area Studies (JIAS)
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• v.22 no.2
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• pp.305-330
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• 2018

The purpose of this article is to examine whether Myanmar's experience in which dealing with the most exemplary change among rogue states or pariah state in the 21st century is feasible for North Korea's case. Recently, North Korea's willingness to dialogue, reform and open is similar to the precedent in which the Myanmar military junta dismantled its ruling system and turned over transition period through general elections in 2010 and 2015 each. The so-called 'Myanmar Model' refers to a country branded as a rogue state which has been under the international sanctions and pressure, and opening its political system and the market by choosing transformation. However, rapid changes in speed across the entire society after opening up are impossible because the political elite is only the leading role and implementation in the transition. In case of Myanmar, military culture has penetrated into society due to such a long-lasting military dictatorship, and even democratic bloc has become accustomed to authoritarian decision-making process. Furthermore, the "reserved area" of the old regime still exists in a deformed political structure that can not retrieve the interests of the military. Therefore there could not be achieved political development in term of qualification. North Korea also appears unlikely to achieve political and economic assessment in a short period of time, as civil society has not appeared due to its long dictatorship and very low economic development levels. Like Myanmar, North Korea is also likely to control the pace and direction of upcoming reforms and open, as the dictator or most powerful person chose to reform and open up. Therefore, if North Korea moves toward the 'Myanmar Model', there will be high expectations of new changes in the short term, but it could be delayed or stalled in the mid and long term.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.50
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• pp.164-186
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• 2010

Korean society, suffered from a severe currency crisis in 1997, had scarcely missed another market meltdown in 2008. However, neither economic fundamentals nor has political stability little to do with the recent crises. This paper thus projects the possibility of 'self-fulfilling crisis' in which the media took a critical part in amplifying 'crisis discourses.' For the purpose of understanding of media's impact on such a crisis, at first, this paper chose 'September Crisis in 2008' as a case study. While collecting news articles about the crisis, then, total 118 news articles collected from mainstream newspapers such as DongA-ilbo and Money Today have been analyzed in terms of media frame and discourse strategies. Research results showed that not only has the crisis discourse been shifted by economic situations, but the media re-constructed economic realities in way of justifying their political ideology and loyal readership. Taking those findings into consideration, in final, the authors urged the media to improve their performance by embracing more responsible and professional manners.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.18
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• pp.269-303
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• 2002

This article presents a historical account of media role in the transition and consolidation period of democracy. Despite the assumption that media plays a important role in the construction of democracy, it is less clear how the media can affect the process of political change itself. This article seeks to answer some of these question, based on the Mill's macro-social comparative 'method of difference' of Korea and Spain. It is widely agreed that both states achieve democracy through transaction from above(pacts). Media role, however, differs significantly in accordance with authoritarian legacies and civic representativeness of the pacts. Whereas Korean dailies is deepening given market oligopoly and prior practices after democratization, Spain dailies market entirely changed in both structural and spiritual respects. As a result, Korean dailies substantially lacks in civic representativeness as before, contrary to Spain. Spain television settled a sort of the external pluralism. Korean television is pursuing the BBC type of internal pluralism. In Korea, television is more commercial than Spain. Consequently, Spain media serve the consolidation of democracy more than Korea on the whole.

• 한국사회정책
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• v.19 no.2
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• pp.137-161
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• 2012

Traditionally, caring for young children and the elderly has been largely assumed and practiced intensively within the family in Korea. The Korean government established residual protection systems for the elderly as well as children whose needs could not be met by their family members alone. However, in the 21st century, a number of social forces have made it necessary to expand the state's intervention in the care provisions. The primary forces include the ageing process, low fertility, change in the women's labour market participation, changes in the family formation and dissolution, and changes in the people's perceptions of familial responsibilities regarding caring for other family members. This paper employs and further develops the idea of the care diamond conceived by the United Nations Research Institute for Social Development Project in relation to the political and social economy of care and applies it to Korea's social care expansions. The analysis demonstrates that the roles of the public and the market sector, in case of child care, increased while those of the third sector decreased. Apropos of the elderly care, the role of the market expanded dramatically, followed by that of and the state and the third sector. Nonetheless, it is important to note that the fundamental characteristics of Korea's care provision for children and the elderly have remained unchanged and even strengthened where the elderly care is concerned. The bulk of personal care demand is still met within the family, particularly by female members of the household.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.44
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• pp.123-145
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• 2016

A flow of generative change has existed in the Chinese media following political, economic, and institutional changes. Since a market system was introduced to the field of drama production, people called 'zhipianren' who act as government agents as well as market administrators have spontaneously emerged. The government, by granting legal qualifications and authority to these 'zhipianren', have institutionalized and absorbed them within the system. Through this process, the 'drama zhipianren system', under the unique environment of a socialist market economy, demonstrates a Chinese administrative model that effectively reveals the changing process from a direct administration by the government to indirect administration and self-censorship. Furthermore, with the widespread adoption of the internet, various types of media including grassroots media have emerged, and the participation and production activities of netizens has enabled the development of a new genre of literature called internet literature. Furthermore, some websites that functioned as platforms for video and grassroots media came to self-produce contents so as to function as media in and of themselves. Originally, the internet was cultivated as a portion of the IT industry, but when it began to function as media, forming a new media landscape, regulations and institutions were gradually established and subsequently advanced in the direction of supervision and regulation over all internet media contents. A flow of generative change in the field of media has emerged, and the pattern of generation-convergence repeats itself as the official media policies converge.

• Korean Architects
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• s.645
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• pp.24-35
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• 2023

중국의 황금기를 이끈 당 태종 23년의 정치 토론 기록인 '정관정요'에는 '창업은 쉬우나 수성은 어렵다'는 구절이 나온다. 이는 원래 국가를 세우고 다스리는 법도에 관한 이야기지만, 기업에도 같은 원리가 적용된다. 시장의 수많은 경쟁자를 제치고 고객의 선택을 받기 위해서는 목표 고객의 니즈를 잘 만족시킬 수 있는 서비스를 제공하고 그것을 목표 고객의 마음속에 효과적으로 포지셔닝해야 한다. 게다가 시장에서 계속 경쟁력을 유지하기 위해서는 차별화한 포지션을 유지하는 마케팅 전략이 필요하다. 중·소규모 건축사사무소의 경쟁력은 무엇이고, 과연 어떻게 운영을 해나가야 할까. 지난 12월 13일, '소규모 건축사사무소 운영자로서의 건축사'를 주제로 건축사 회관 국제회의실에서 좌담회가 열렸다. 홍성용 편집국장(건축사사무소 NCS lab)을 사회로 남기봉 건축사(남기봉 건축사사무소), 박우린 건축사(쿠쿠루쿠쿠 건축사사무소), 이관용 건축사(주.오픈스케일 건축사사무소), 이영재 건축사(주.건축사사무소 이인집단)가 참석한 가운데 올해 어려울 것으로 예상되는 기업환경에 대응하는 각자의 건축사사무소 경영전략에 대해 이야기를 나누는 자리가 마련됐다. 이날 중·소규모 건축사사무소의 제반 경영환경과 올해 어떠한 대비가 필요한지를 주제로, ▲비즈니스 마인드, 사업적 인식을 갖춘 건축사사무소 운영 방향 설정 ▲자기 어필, 흐름에 따른 전략적 마케팅의 필요성과 방법 등 올해 불확실한 경영환경을 맞아 사무소를 어떻게 운영할지에 대한 고민과 이야기를 나눴다.