• KDI Journal of Economic Policy
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• v.33 no.2
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• pp.145-175
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• 2011

We analyse an overlapping generation model in which economic agents, especially their income distribution, influence environmental policy and redistributive policy through political decision making process. In an economic equilibrium which doesn't consider political process, the introduction of environmental policy is shown to increase economic growth rate. In contrast to an economic equilibrium, environmental policy can be adopted when economic inequality reduces to a certain threshold in a political economic equilibrium. The adoption of environmental policy, on the other hand, incurs the demand of strengthened redistributive policy, which in turn decreases economic growth in a short run. We discuss broad policy implications based on our political economic analyses.

• The Science & Technology
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• v.33 no.7 s.374
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• pp.41-74
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• 2000

우리나라에서 정치논리 만큼 큰 힘을 발휘하는 것은 없다. 우리의 경제가 정치논리의 지배 아래 있어 발전에 어려움이 있다는 소리는 오래 전부터 있어왔다. 과학기술은 정치논리의 지배 아래 있는 경제의 논리에 좌우되고 있는 것이 오늘의 현실이다. 과학기술과 정치는 어떤 관계를 갖고 있으며 또 어떤 관계를 유지해야 바람직한 것인지 정리해 보았다.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.17 no.3
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• pp.29-62
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• 2011

이 글은 2010년 이후 복지가 정치의 중요한 쟁점이 된 사회경제의 구조와 정치과정에 관한 연구이다. 2010년 이후 갑자기 활발해진 복지정치를 선거와 정당을 중심으로 살펴보고자 하며, 그 내용은 다음과 같다. 첫째, 복지에 대한 국민의 관심이 다른 경제정책이나 안보문제를 능가할 정도로 커진 원인을 1998년 외환위기 이후 사회경제의 거시구조적 변화를 통해 살펴보았다. 둘째, 2010년 중반이후 정당들의 복지확대 경쟁을 선거승리를 위한 정치적 동학의 측면에서 정리하였다. 셋째, 만약 선거와 정당을 중심으로 하는 복지정치가 복지정책과 정당체계의 수렴을 수반한다면 한국의 복지모형에 어떤 변화가 있을 수 있는지를 짚어 보았다.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.45
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• pp.7-48
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• 2009

The recent crises of Marxism do not mean Marx’s crisis. Marx said that he was not a Marxist. The purposes of this essay explore (1) the modern identity of the political economy; (2) the possibilities of mutual understanding between neoclassical economics and Marxist economics; (3) problems of the political economy in media and communication industry. I have begged for analytical Marxists, because of their good fruits. They accepted the methods of modern social science and they constituted a tremendous advance in the application of the scientific methods to the study of society. In insisting on micro-foundations(methodological individualism), analytical Marxism distinguished itself from structuralism and functionalism. I appreciate that analytical Marxism has reduced a theory to practice. But the works didn’t listen to everyone(from Marxists to un-Marxists), and explain everything. Making theory with production/consumption, macro/micro, and structure/behavior is a road to the political economy in the long run. It also applies to media and communication industry. The realm of media/communication is broad, which in philosophy, humanities, politics, economics, sociology, and engineering. And media policy is more complicated by politicians who look at the same situation from different angles. By the aid of interdisciplinary research, the political economy of media/communication shall explain at full length.

• Journal of the Economic Geographical Society of Korea
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• v.17 no.3
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• pp.567-584
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• 2014

This paper attempts to analyze labor politics under the Kim Young-Sam regime. The labor politics transformed from conflictual pluralism to social partnership. The transition was triggered by the 'IMF economic crisis,' and the transitional direction was determined by the character of political regime and the pattern of social coalitions. These findings imply that the transitional direction of labor politics is not determined by an economic crisis or international pressure, but by the relational dynamics of social coalitions forcing social actors to new perception and strategic choice.

• Korean Journal of Construction Engineering and Management
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• v.14 no.3
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• pp.97-106
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• 2013

The construction industry is now facing a new challenge of green construction. Based on a research question of "what motivates contractors to pursue green construction", the objective of this study is to identify and discuss key characteristics and implications of green construction motivators among major contractors. The Political Economy Approach was adpoted as a main research methodology. The study demonstrated that major contractors show a high level of expectation in the future of green construction and consider economic factors as higher motivators while paying attention to social trends towards green construction. In particular, internal economic motivators were highly considered and the commitment of senior management was viewed as a key motivator.

• Journal of Korean Library and Information Science Society
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• v.33 no.2
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• pp.47-78
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• 2002

The purpose of this study lies in investigating the resent state and characteristics of monographs produced by Korea and Japan, which are the research products on each other's political and economic situations for the period of 1901-2000. To this end, we identified the major political and economic events and issues in the Korea-Japan relations, also collected comprehensively the monographs produced by each county regarding earth other, and analyzed the resent state md characteristics of the monographs with a special emphasis on the publication period, subject matter and producer. Also identified was the relationship between the production of monographs and the Korea-Japan political and economic relations from a historical perspective. Finally, we suggested the necessity of a knowledge and information system for both effective management and efficient control of such research products.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.28 no.4
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• pp.115-159
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• 2018

This paper situates 63 provinces of Vietnam on a two-dimensional governance space, according to their levels of both economic and political governance, and systematically explains the two-dimensional distribution of provincial governance. It presents three sets of explanatory factors: the amount of foreign direct investment (FDI) that each province has attracted, the combination of provincial urbanization and population density, and the North Central Coast region factor. Provinces that score high in both economic and political governance tend to have received a good amount of FDI and to be highly urbanized and densely populated whereas provinces that score low in both governance dimensions tend to have the opposite characteristics. Provinces that are high in economic governance but low in political governance are those that have received the greatest amount of FDI and tend to be highly urbanized yet relatively sparsely populated. Provinces that are high in political governance but low in economic governance are characterized by a relatively small amount of FDI, low urbanization, and high population density. Finally, provinces in the North Central Coast region tend to score very high in political governance.

• The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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• v.5 no.2
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• pp.207-216
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• 2019

Unlike previous studies, which mainly analyzed factors affecting tourism motivation and tourism satisfaction, this study analyzes the political, economic and cultural factors affecting the number of Chinese tourists visiting Korea. Empirical results show that political factors such as the Chinese regime, the number of meetings and talks between Korea and China, the number of phone calls between the two countries, and the Korea-China FTA (also as a economic factor) have a significant impact on the number of Chinese tourists visiting Korea. In particular, political friendly variables related to economy (ex. Korea-China FTA) has been analyzed to have a more significant positive effect on the number of Chinese tourists to Korea than the factors that create friendly atmosphere only in the political field. In addition to political factors, economic factors such as the Korea-China FTA, and cultural factors such as Korean Wave represented by Korean cosmetics also have a significant impact on the number of Chinese tourists visiting Korea.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.19 no.1
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• pp.67-111
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• 2009

지난여름 베트남 남부의 호치민시와 인근의 공장지대는 전례 없는 파업의 확산을 경험했다. 연구자가 만난 한국기업의 매니저들은 이를 "파업의 도미노 현상"으로 묘사했다. 호치민시 노동조합의 고위간부는 "도이머이(Doi Moi) 이후 노사관계에 가장 혼란스러운 변화가 일어나고 있다"라고 단언하기도 했다. 본 연구는 한국계 다국적 공장을 사례로 1) 최근 파업의 정치경제학적 배경은 무엇인지를 살펴본 다음, 2) 왜 어떤 공장은 최근의 파업의 소용돌이 속에서 상대적으로 안전했던 반면 다른 기업은 그렇지 못했는지, 3) 왜 어떤 공장은 파업의 과정에서 협상을 성공적으로 이끈 반면 다른 기업은 그렇지 못했는지, 4) 최근의 파업이 개별 다국적 공장의 체제에 어떤 사회적, 문화적, 정치적 영향을 미쳤는지 살펴보고자 하였다. 연구자는 연구목적을 위하여 호치민 인근과 동나이에 위치한 약 20여개의 공장을 방문하였으며 서로 다른 특징을 가지고 있는 3개의 섬유공장을 선별하여 현지연구를 실시하였다. 이 가운데 첫 번째 공장은 연구자가 90년대 말 현지연구를 실시하여 공장체제의 성격을 잘 알고 있는 다국적 공장이었다. 나머지 두 공장은 재정 상황과 정치과정의 특징이 첫 번째 공장과 대조될 뿐 아니라 서로 다른 공장이었다. 세 공장을 비교 연구함으로써 연구자는 다국적 공장의 재정적 혹은 경제적 상태가 노동쟁의의 성격을 만드는 주요한 조건이 되지만, 회사의 경제적 조건이 양호하고 경영진이 온정주의적 철학을 실천하고 있다고 해서 파업을 미연에 방지할 수 없다는 점을 보여주고자 하였다. 호치민 인근의 파업이 크게는 세계적인 경제위기, 작게는 회사의 재정상태에 영향을 받고 있지만 특정 공장에서 노동쟁의가 일어나는가의 여부는 이 공장의 정치과정과 레짐의 성격에 의해 좌우된다는 점을 밝히고자 했다. 특히 다국적 공장의 정치과정의 안정을 위해서는 '매개자' 역할을 하는 베트남 중간간부, 사무실 직원, 노조간부 등의 역할이 매우 중요하였다. 이들이 위계적으로 그리고 사회문화적으로 다른 외국인 경영진과 공장 노동자의 갈등을 어떻게 흡수하고 중재하는가에 따라 공장체제의 안정 여부가 달려 있었다. 이번 파업은 각각 다른 정치경제적 조건을 가진 여러 공장의 경영진과 노동자가 이러한 사실을 새삼 깨닫게 하는 계기로 작용했다.