• The Science & Technology
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• v.30 no.10 s.341
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• pp.24-25
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• 1997

과학대중화에서 언론은 가장 큰 공급자다. 지금까지 우리나라 언론의 주력상품은 정치와 스포츠였고 90년대 들어서야 경제, 레저, 정보통신 등이 부가가치 높은 상품으로 부상했다. 과학대중화를 위해서는 과학기술계 스스로 시장의 논리, 경제의 논리, 경쟁의 논리를 도입해야 하고 언론의 먹을 거리인 기사를 늘려야 한다.

• The Korean Journal of Applied Statistics
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• v.28 no.6
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• pp.1075-1091
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• 2015

This paper reviews the developments of econometric analysis and seeks a statistical applicability to current economic phenomena. During the last half century, economic analysis has progressed continuously, analyzing and predicting a broad variety of economic phenomena. In the center of this progress lies the remarkable contribution of econometrics and mathematical statistics. New economic research environment has been recently created via developments of IT and the spread of internet and SNSs. Economic phenomena has become increasingly complicated along with more volatile and sophisticated economic analysis. In that context, it can be suggested that there is a need to move beyond current economic paradigms and adapt new approaches such as complex theory and econophysics, all of which posits as a challenge for econometrics and statistics.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.45
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• pp.113-150
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• 2009

Attempts to relax cross-media ownership have been made by conservative Party and leading dailies. A concern with the cross-ownership of media is predominant in media and political spheres. This article is about the media market concentration created by cross-media ownership. This essay is a response to the demand of the ruling camp that attempts to concentrate on media market, and to increase their influence. I have outlined issues of cross ownership. The finding of this research supported the rationale of ban on cross ownership of newspaper and broadcasting outlet.

• Journal of Environmental Policy
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• v.6 no.4
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• pp.103-127
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• 2007

This study presents the political economics models to explore the political landscape of special interest groups influencing the government's decision making process for implementing international environmental standard. Starting with the popular menu-auction types of lobbying frameworks in the literature, the study extends its scope of research to multi-principal and multi-agency based international interest group politics and its hybrid case in order to bring the interaction of the relevant interest politics to the fore. Within a specific factor model of international trade between 2 small open economies, we compare the political equilibrium environmental standards in different institutional frameworks which can be feasible in the sense of recently growing role of environmental interest group. Although the conventional finding suggests that cooperative bargaining between the two countries can attain the globally optimal level of the standard, the paper rather explains that the cooperation between the national interest groups and the hybrid case also generate the stricter standard then national interest politics usually do.

• International Area Studies Review
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• v.13 no.3
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• pp.361-383
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• 2009

This study extends theoretically the expected utility model of trade-conflict developed by Polacheck if a third country is involved, and analyses empirically how trade between North Korea and China affects to the political conflict between South and North Korea. The results of empirical analysis show that North Korea's exports to South Korea and China do not affect the conflict or cooperative relations between South and North Korea. But North Korea's imports from South Korea and China affect to the conflict between South and North Korea: increasing of North Korea's imports to South Korea reduce conflict between South and North Korea, but increasing of North Korea's imports to China increase conflict between South and North Korea.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.70
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• pp.165-188
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• 2015

This paper deals with the questions: Are media user's activities labour? Or rent? These questions have provoked a debate in the critical media studies and Marx's theory. But it is not a matter of choosing either labour or rent. Even if user's activities could contribute to valorization, it needs some mediating process. Media Platforms-Google, Facebook, etc.-play a key role, and have to employ other forms of labour. Labour in media platform produces some capital commodities. In view of media platform, Smythe's audience commodity can be considered as capital commodity. Assertion in this paper expected to provoke new debate on media platforms and its labourer.

• International Area Studies Review
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• v.15 no.3
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• pp.325-348
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• 2011

This paper analyses how China is likely to be able to sustain its current pace of growth. The results of analysis show that China's economic growth matches standard growth patterns identified by the models of economic development such as structural change, catching up model. Furthermore, China's economic growth, within these analytical frameworks, matches those of Korea at an earlier stage of her development. So Korea's growth patterns may well apply to the future of China such as the benefits of free society with economics and politics which generate technical progress and innovations. A country with a high innovative capacity is one whose institutions - educational, economic, political, legal, and so forth - allow it to dynamically and continually generate new products and services in a myriad of sectors. These are the way how China is likely to be able to sustain her economic development.

• Economic Analysis
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• v.26 no.1
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• pp.34-83
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• 2020

This paper examines two different reunification regimes and investigates the decision making problems on tax and income transfers in a political economy model. The first reunification regime is the South-Driven regime under which the majority of South Korea choose the tax rate, the amount of transfers and the size of migration. The second is the North-Participation regime under which there is no limit on migration and the majority of Unified Korea choose the tax rate and the amount of transfers. In both regimes, Northern residents' migration decisions are endogenous and those who decide not to migrate to the Southern region have an alternative to declare fiscal independence of income redistribution taking place within the North independently. This paper shows that there is no income redistribution in a politico-economic equilibrium under the South-Driven regime. Given that, those remaining in the Northern region decide to declare fiscal independence. On the other hand, the North-Participation regime delivers an equilibrium supporting income redistribution and no fiscal independence.

• Environmental and Resource Economics Review
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• v.27 no.4
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• pp.725-743
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• 2018

Industrial groups (representing the polluters) and environmental non-governmental organizations (representing the victims) respond differently to various environmental policy instruments. As the affected group's power is large either politically or economically, it is unlikely that a single instrument will be actually selected despite being effective or efficient because of the high political costs associated with it. In this paper, we focus on the political role that energy subsidies play in creating a compromise between energy consuming polluters and victims of pollution. The use of a Dolbear (1967)'s triangle Edgeworth box model makes it possible to examine how policy selection affects the income distribution and welfare levels of two groups. The effects of a single policy instrument of either direct regulation or tax are compared with those of a policy mix that includes energy subsidies. We found that the addition of energy subsidies would increase the chance of compromise between polluters and victims.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare Studies
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• v.44 no.2
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• pp.265-291
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• 2013

In the context of welfare politics, this study tries to examine how interest groups'policy priorities in the child-care policy of Korea were shaped and changed. Based on the already institutionalized child-care services, each beneficiary group-parents, employer and employee of child care center-has its own preference and perception in child-care policy. Futhermore, this difference has produced conflict of interests in the priority of policy options and brought interest group politics to the realm of child-care policy. With regard to interest group politics, this study firstly examines divergence of beneficiary groups'perception about the child-care policy priorities. Meanwhile, discourse politics should be regarded as another dimension of welfare politics because beneficiaries'perception preference in policy could be sometimes changed and converged by communicative policy discourse. By examining convergent aspects of beneficiary groups'perception about policy priority, this study secondly tries to analyze the discourse politics which has been influenced by the free child-care discourse during 2010-12 election period. To investigate these two dimensions of child-care politics, beneficiary groups'policy priority should be systematically and comprehensively classified and quantified. Using Analysis Hierarchy Process(AHP), this study identifies 11 policy issues and determines different ranking priorities of each beneficiary group.