• Title/Summary/Keyword: 정책 연구

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The Advancement of Underwriting Skill by Selective Risk Acceptance (보험Risk 세분화를 통한 언더라이팅 기법 선진화 방안)

  • Lee, Chan-Hee
    • The Journal of the Korean life insurance medical association
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    • v.24
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    • pp.49-78
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    • 2005
  • Ⅰ. 연구(硏究) 배경(背景) 및 목적(目的) o 우리나라 보험시장의 세대가입율은 86%로 보험시장 성숙기에 진입하였으며 기존의 전통적인 전업채널에서 방카슈랑스의 도입, 온라인전문보험사의 출현, TM 영업의 성장세 等멀티채널로 진행되고 있음 o LTC(장기간병), CI(치명적질환), 실손의료보험 등(等)선 진형 건강상품의 잇따른 출시로 보험리스크 관리측면에서 언더라이팅의 대비가 절실한 시점임 o 상품과 마케팅 等언더라이팅 측면에서 매우 밀접한 영역의 변화에 발맞추어 언더라이팅의 인수기법의 선진화가 시급히 요구되는 상황하에서 위험을 적절히 분류하고 평가하는 선진적 언더라이팅 기법 구축이 필수 적임 o 궁극적으로 고객의 다양한 보장니드 충족과 상품, 마케팅, 언더라이팅의 경쟁력 강화를 통한 보험사의 종합이익 극대화에 기여할 수 있는 방안을 모색하고자 함 Ⅱ. 선진보험시장(先進保險市場)Risk 세분화사례(細分化事例) 1. 환경적위험(環境的危險)에 따른 보험료(保險料) 차등(差等) (1) 위험직업 보험료 할증 o 미국, 유럽등(等) 대부분의 선진시장에서는 가입당시 피보험자의 직업위험도에 따라 보험료를 차등 적용중(中)임 o 가입하는 보장급부에 따라 직업 분류방법 및 할증방식도 상이하며 일반사망과 재해사망,납입면제, DI에 대해서 별도의 방법을 사용함 o 할증적용은 표준위험율의 일정배수를 적용하여 할증 보험료를 산출하거나, 가입금액당 일정한 추가보험료를 적용하고 있음 - 광부의 경우 재해사망 가입시 표준위험율의 300% 적용하며, 일반사망 가입시 $1,000당 $2.95 할증보험료 부가 (2) 위험취미 보험료 할증 o 취미와 관련 사고의 지속적 다발로 취미활동도 위험요소로 인식되어 보험료를 차등 적용중(中)임 o 할증보험료는 보험가입금액당 일정비율로 부가(가입 금액과 무관)하며, 신종레포츠 등(等)일부 위험취미는 통계의 부족으로 언더라이터가 할증율 결정하여 적용함 - 패러글라이딩 년(年)$26{\sim}50$회(回) 취미생활의 경우 가입금액 $1,000당 재해사망 $2, DI보험 8$ 할증보험료 부가 o 보험료 할증과는 별도로 위험취미에 대한 부담보를 적용함. 위험취미 활동으로 인한 보험사고 발생시 사망을 포함한 모든 급부에 대한 보장을 부(不)담보로 인수함. (3) 위험지역 거주/ 여행 보험료 할증 o 피보험자가 거주하고 있는 특정국가의 임시 혹은 영구적 거주시 기후위험, 거주지역의 위생과 의료수준, 여행위험, 전쟁과 폭동위험 등(等)을 고려하여 평가 o 일반사망, 재해사망 등(等)보장급부별로 할증보험료 부가 또는 거절 o 할증보험료는 보험全기간에 대해 동일하게 적용 - 러시아의 경우 가입금액 $1,000당 일반사망은 2$의 할증보험료 부가, 재해사망은 거절 (4) 기타 위험도에 대한 보험료 차등 o 비행관련 위험은 세가지로 분류(항공운송기, 개인비행, 군사비행), 청약서, 추가질문서, 진단서, 비행이력 정보를 바탕으로 할증보험료를 부가함 - 농약살포비행기조종사의 경우 가입금액 $1,000당 일반사망 6$의 할증보험료 부가, 재해사망은 거절 o 미국, 일본등(等)서는 교통사고나 교통위반 관련 기록을 활용하여 무(無)사고운전자에 대해 보험료 할인(우량체 위험요소로 활용) 2. 신체적위험도(身體的危險度)에 따른 보험료차등(保險料差等) (1) 표준미달체 보험료 할증 1) 총위험지수 500(초과위험지수 400)까지 인수 o 300이하는 25점단위, 300점 초과는 50점 단위로 13단계로 구분하여 할증보험료를 적용중(中)임 2) 삭감법과 할증법을 동시 적용 o 보험금 삭감부분만큼 할증보험료가 감소하는 효과가 있어 청약자에게 선택의 기회를 제공할수 있으며 고(高)위험 피보험자에게 유용함 3) 특정암에 대한 기왕력자에 대해 단기(Temporary)할증 적용 o 질병성향에 따라 가입후 $1{\sim}5$년간 할증보험료를 부가하고 보험료 할증 기간이 경과한 후에는 표준체보험료를 부가함 4) 할증보험료 반환옵션(Return of the extra premium)의 적용 o 보험계약이 유지중(中)이며, 일정기간 생존시 할증보험료가 반환됨 (2) 표준미달체 급부증액(Enhanced annuity) o 영국에서는 표준미달체를 대상으로 연금급부를 증가시킨 증액형 연금(Enhanced annuity) 상품을 개발 판매중(中)임 o 흡연, 직업, 병력 등(等)다양한 신체적, 환경적 위험도에 따라 표준체에 비해 증액연금을 차등 지급함 (3) 우량 피보험체 가격 세분화 o 미국시장에서는 $8{\sim}14$개 의적, 비(非)의적 위험요소에 대한 평가기준에 따라 표준체를 최대 8개 Class로 분류하여 할인보험료를 차등 적용 - 기왕력, 혈압, 가족력, 흡연, BMI, 콜레스테롤, 운전, 위험취미, 거주지, 비행력, 음주/마약 등(等) o 할인율은 회사, Class, 가입기준에 따라 상이(최대75%)하며, 가입연령은 최저 $16{\sim}20$세, 최대 $65{\sim}75$세, 최저보험금액은 10만달러(HIV검사가 필요한 최저 금액) o 일본시장에서는 $3{\sim}4$개 위험요소에 따라 $3{\sim}4$개 Class로 분류 우량체 할인중(中)임 o 유럽시장에서는 영국 등(等)일부시장에서만 비(非)흡연할인 또는 우량체할인 적용 Ⅲ. 국내보험시장(國內保險市場) 현황(現況)및 문제점(問題點) 1. 환경적위험도(環境的危險度)에 따른 가입한도제한(加入限度制限) (1) 위험직업 보험가입 제한 o 업계공동의 직업별 표준위험등급에 따라 각 보험사 자체적으로 위험등급별 가입한도를 설정 운영중(中)임. 비(非)위험직과의 형평성, 고(高)위험직업 보장 한계, 수익구조 불안정화 등(等)문제점을 내포하고 있음 - 광부의 경우 위험1급 적용으로 사망 최대 1억(億), 입원 1일(日) 2만원까지 제한 o 금융감독원이 2002년(年)7월(月)위험등급별 위험지수를 참조 위험율로 인가하였으나, 비위험직은 70%, 위험직은 200% 수준으로 산정되어 현실적 적용이 어려움 (2) 위험취미 보험가입 제한 o 해당취미의 직업종사자에 준(準)하여 직업위험등급을 적용하여 가입 한도를 제한하고 있음. 추가질문서를 활용하여 자격증 유무, 동호회 가입등(等)에 대한 세부정보를 입수하지 않음 - 패러글라이딩의 경우 위험2급을 적용, 사망보장 최대 2 억(億)까지 제한 (3) 거주지역/ 해외여행 보험가입 제한 o 각(各)보험사별로 지역적 특성상 사고재해 다발 지역에 대해 보험가입을 제한하고 있음 - 강원, 충청 일부지역 상해보험 가입불가 - 전북, 태백 일부지역 입원급여금 1일(日)2만원이내 o 해외여행을 포함한 해외체류에 대해서는 일정한 가입 요건을 정하여 운영중(中)이며, 가입한도 설정 보험가입을 제한하거나 재해집중보장 상품에 대해 거절함 - 러시아의 경우 단기체류는 위험1급 및 상해보험 가입 불가, 장기 체류는 거절처리함 2. 신체적위험도(身體的危險度)에 따른 인수차별화(引受差別化) (1) 표준미달체 인수방법 o 체증성, 항상성 위험에 대한 초과위험지수를 보험금삭감법으로 전환 사망보험에 적용(최대 5년(年))하여 5년(年)이후 보험 Risk노출 심각 o 보험료 할증은 일부 회사에서 주(主)보험 중심으로 사용중(中)이며, 총위험지수 300(8단계)까지 인수 - 주(主)보험 할증시 특약은 가입 불가하며, 암 기왕력자는 대부분 거절 o 신체부위 39가지, 질병 5가지에 대해 부담보 적용(입원, 수술 등(等)생존급부에 부담보) (2) 비(非)흡연/ 우량체 보험료 할인 o 1999년(年)최초 도입 이래 $3{\sim}4$개의 위험요소로 1개 Class 운영중(中)임 S생보사의 경우 비(非)흡연우량체, 비(非)흡연표준체의 2개 Class 운영 o 보험료 할인율은 회사, 상품에 따라 상이하며 최대 22%(영업보험료기준)임. 흡연여부는 뇨스틱을 활용 코티닌테스트를 실시함 o 우량체 판매는 신계약의 $2{\sim}15%$수준(회사의 정책에 따라 상이) Ⅳ. 언더라이팅 기법(技法) 선진화(先進化) 방안(方案) 1. 직업위험도별 보험료 차등 적용 o 생 손보 직업위험등급 일원화와 연계하여 3개등급으로 위험지수개편, 비위험직 기준으로 보험요율 차별적용 2. 위험취미에 대한 부담보 적용 o 해당취미를 원인으로 보험사고(사망포함) 발생시 부담보 제도 도입 3. 표준미달체 인수기법 선진화를 통한 인수범위 대폭 확대 o 보험료 할증법 적용 확대를 통한 Risk 헷지로 총위험지수 $300{\rightarrow}500$으로 확대(거절건 최소화) 4. 보험료 할증법 보험금 삭감 병행 적용 o 삭감기간을 적용한 보험료 할증방식 개발, 고객에게 선택권 제공 5. 기한부 보험료할증 부가 o 위암, 갑상선암 등(等)특정암의 성향에 따라 위험도가 높은 가입초기에 평준할증보험료를 적용하여 인수 6. 보험료 할증법 부가특약 확대 적용, 부담보 병행 사용 o 정기특약 등(等)사망관련 특약에 할증법 확대, 생존급부 특약은 부담보 7. 표준체 고객 세분화 확대 o 콜레스테롤, HDL 등(等)위험평가요소 확대를 통한 Class 세분화 Ⅴ. 기대효과(期待效果) 1. 고(高)위험직종사자, 위험취미자, 표준미달체에 대한 보험가입 문호개방 2. 보험계약자간 형평성 제고 및 다양한 고객의 보장니드에 부응 3. 상품판매 확대 및 Risk헷지를 통한 수입보험료 증대 및 사차익 개선 4. 본격적인 가격경쟁에 대비한 보험사 체질 개선 5. 회사 이미지 제고 및 진단 거부감 해소, 포트폴리오 약화 방지 Ⅵ. 결론(結論) o 종래의 소극적이고 일률적인 인수기법에서 탈피하여 피보험자를 다양한 측면에서 위험평가하여 적정 보험료 부가와 합리적 가입조건을 제시하는 적절한 위험평가 수단을 도입하고, o 언더라이팅 인수기법의 선진화와 함께 언더라이팅 인력의 전문화, 정보입수 및 시스템 인프라의 구축 등이 병행함으로써, o 보험사의 사차손익 관리측면에서 뿐만 아니라 보험시장 개방 및 급변하는 보험환경에 대비한 한국 생보언더라이팅 경쟁력 강화 및 언더라이터의 글로벌화에도 크게 기여할 것임.

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A Study on Transition of Rice Culture Practices During Chosun Dynasty Through Old References IX. Intergrated Discussion on Rice (주요(主要) 고농서(古農書)를 통(通)한 조선시대(朝鮮時代)의 도작기술(稻作技術) 전개(展開) 과정(過程) 연구(硏究) - IX. 도작기술(稻作技術)에 대(對)한 종합고찰(綜合考察))

  • Guh, J.O.;Lee, S.K.;Lee, E.W.;Lee, H.S.
    • Korean Journal of Weed Science
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    • v.12 no.1
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    • pp.70-79
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    • 1992
  • From the beginning of the chosun dynasty, an agriculture-first policy was imposed by being written farming books, for instance, Nongsajiksul, matched with real conditions of local agriculture, which provided the grounds of new, intensive farming technologies. This farming book was the collection of good fanning technologies that were experienced in rural farm areas at that time. According to Nongsajiksul, rice culture systems were divided into "Musarmi"(Water-Seeded rice), /"Kunsarmi"(dry-seeded rice), /transplanted rice and mountainous rice (upland rice) culture. The characteristics of these rice cultures with high technologies were based of scientific weeding methods, improved fertilization, and cultivation works using cattle power and manpower tools systematically. Reclamation of coastal swampy and barren land was possible in virtue of fire cultivation farming(火耕) and a weeding tool called "Yoonmok"(輪木). Also, there was an improved hoe to do weeding works as well as thinning and heaping-up of soil at seeding stages of rice. Direct-seeded rice culture in flat paddy fields were expanded by constructing the irrigation reservoirs and ponds, and the valley paddy fields was reclaimed by constructing "Boh(洑)". These were possible due to weed control by irrigation waters, keeping soil fertility by inorganic fertilization during irrigation, and increased productivity of rice fields by supplying good physiological conditions for rice. Also, labor-saving culture of rice was feasible by transplanting but in national-wide, rice should not basically be transplanted because of the restriction of water use. Thus, direct-seeded rice in dry soils was established, in which rice was direct-seeded and grown in dry soils by seedling stages and was grown in flooded fields when rained, as in the book "Nongsajiksul". During the middle of the dynasty(AD 1495-1725), the excellent labor-saving farmings include check-rowing transplanting because of weeding efficiency and availability in rice("Hanjongrok"), and, nurserybed techniques (early transplanting of rice) were emphasized on the basis of rice transplanting ["Nongajibsung"]. The techniques for deep plowing with cattle powers and for putting more fertilizers were to improve the productivity of labor and land, The matters advanced in "Sanlimkyungje" more than in "Nongajibsung" were, development of "drybed of rice nursery stock", like "upland rice nursery" today, transplanting, establishment of "winter barly on drained paddy field, and improvement of labor and land-productivity in rice". This resulted in the community of large-scale farming by changing the pattern of small-farming into the production system of rice management. Woo-hayoung(1741-1812) in his book "Chonilrok" tried to reform from large-scale farmings into intensive farmings, of which as eminent view was to divide the land use into transplanting (paddy) and groove-seeding methods(dry field). Especially as insisted by Seo-yugo ("Sanlimkyungjeji"), the advantages of transplanting were curtailment of weeding labors, good growth of rice because of soil fertility of both nurserybed and paddy field, and newly active growth because rice plants were pulled out and replanted. Of course, there were reestimation of transplanting, limitation of two croppings a year, restriction of "paddy-upland alternation", and a ban for large-scale farming. At that period, Lee-jiyum had written on rice farming technologies in dry upland with consider of the land, water physiology of rice, and convenience for weeding, and it was a creative cropping system to secure the farm income most safely. As a integrated considerations, the followings must be introduced to practice the improved farming methods ; namely, improvement of farming tools, putting more fertilizers, introduction of cultural technologies more rational and efficient, management of labor power, improvement of cropping system to enhance use of irrigation water and land, introduction of new crops and new varieties.

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A Study on the Forest Land System in the YI Dynasty (이조시대(李朝時代)의 임지제도(林地制度)에 관(關)한 연구(硏究))

  • Lee, Mahn Woo
    • Journal of Korean Society of Forest Science
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    • v.22 no.1
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    • pp.19-48
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    • 1974
  • Land was originally communized by a community in the primitive society of Korea, and in the age of the ancient society SAM KUK-SILLA, KOKURYOE and PAEK JE-it was distributed under the principle of land-nationalization. But by the occupation of the lands which were permitted to transmit from generation to generation as Royal Grant Lands and newly cleared lands, the private occupation had already begun to be formed. Thus the private ownership of land originated by chiefs of the tribes had a trend to be gradually pervaded to the communal members. After the, SILLA Kingdom unified SAM KUK in 668 A.D., JEONG JEON System and KWAN RYO JEON System, which were the distribution systems of farmlands originated from the TANG Dynasty in China, were enforced to established the basis of an absolute monarchy. Even in this age the forest area was jointly controlled and commonly used by village communities because of the abundance of area and stocked volume, and the private ownership of the forest land was prohibited by law under the influence of the TANG Dynasty system. Toward the end of the SILLA Dynasty, however, as its centralism become weak, the tendency of the private occupancy of farmland by influential persons was expanded, and at the same time the occupancy of the forest land by the aristocrats and Buddhist temples began to come out. In the ensuing KORYO Dynasty (519 to 1391 A.D.) JEON SI KWA System under the principle of land-nationalization was strengthened and the privilege of tax collection was transferred to the bureaucrats and the aristocrats as a means of material compensation for them. Taking this opportunity the influential persons began to expand their lands for the tax collection on a large scale. Therefore, about in the middle of 11th century the farmlands and the forest lands were annexed not only around the vicinity of the capital but also in the border area by influential persons. Toward the end of the KORYO Dynasty the royal families, the bureaucrats and the local lords all possessed manors and occupied the forest lands on a large scale as a part of their farmlands. In the KORYO Dynasty, where national economic foundation was based upon the lands, the disorder of the land system threatened the fall of the Dynasty and so the land reform carried out by General YI SEONG-GYE had led to the creation of ensuing YI Dynasty. All systems of the YI Dynasty were substantially adopted from those of the KORYO Dynasty and thereby KWA JEON System was enforced under the principle of land-nationalization, while the occupancy or the forest land was strictly prohibited, except the national or royal uses, by the forbidden item in KYEONG JE YUK JEON SOK JEON, one of codes provided by the successive kings in the YI Dynasty. Thus the basis of the forest land system through the YI Dynasty had been established, while the private forest area possessed by influential persons since the previous KORYO Dynasty was preserved continuously under the influence of their authorities. Therefore, this principle of the prohibition was nothing but a legal fiction for the security of sovereign powers. Consequently the private occupancy of the forest area was gradually enlarged and finally toward the end of YI Dynasty the privately possessed forest lands were to be officially authorized. The forest administration systems in the YI Dynasty are summarized as follows: a) KEUM SAN and BONG SAN. Under the principle of land-nationalization by a powerful centralism KWA JEON System was established at the beginning of the YI Dynasty and its government expropriated all the forests and prohibited strictly the private occupation. In order to maintain the dignity of the royal capital, the forests surounding capital areas were instituted as KEUM SAN (the reserved forests) and the well-stocked natural forest lands were chosen throughout the nation by the government as BONG SAN(national forests for timber production), where the government nominated SAN JIK(forest rangers) and gave them duties to protect and afforest the forests. This forest reservation system exacted statute labors from the people of mountainious districts and yet their commons of the forest were restricted rigidly. This consequently aroused their strong aversion against such forest reservation, therefore those forest lands were radically spoiled by them. To settle this difficult problem successive kings emphasized the preservation of the forests repeatedly, and in KYEONG KUK DAI JOEN, the written constitution of the YI Dynasty, a regulation for the forest preservation was provided but the desired results could not be obtained. Subsequently the split of bureaucrats with incessant feuds among politicians and scholars weakened the centralism and moreover, the foreign invasions since 1592 made the national land devasted and the rural communities impoverished. It happned that many wandering peasants from rural areas moved into the deep forest lands, where they cultivated burnt fields recklessly in the reserved forest resulting in the severe damage of the national forests. And it was inevitable for the government to increase the number of BONG SAN in order to solve the problem of the timber shortage. The increase of its number accelerated illegal and reckless cutting inevitably by the people living mountainuos districts and so the government issued excessive laws and ordinances to reserve the forests. In the middle of the 18th century the severe feuds among the politicians being brought under control, the excessive laws and ordinances were put in good order and the political situation became temporarily stabilized. But in spite of those endeavors evil habitudes of forest devastation, which had been inveterate since the KORYO Dynasty, continued to become greater in degree. After the conclusion of "the Treaty of KANG WHA with Japan" in 1876 western administration system began to be adopted, and thereafter through the promulgation of the Forest Law in 1908 the Imperial Forests were separated from the National Forests and the modern forest ownership system was fixed. b) KANG MU JANG. After the reorganization of the military system, attaching importance to the Royal Guard Corps, the founder of the YI Dynasty, TAI JO (1392 to 1398 A.D.) instituted the royal preserves-KANG MU JANG-to attain the purposes for military training and royal hunting, prohibiting strictly private hunting, felling and clearing by the rural inhabitants. Moreover, the tyrant, YEON SAN (1495 to 1506 A.D.), expanded widely the preserves at random and strengthened its prohibition, so KANG MU JANG had become the focus of the public antipathy. Since the invasion of Japanese in 1592, however, the innovation of military training methods had to be made because of the changes of arms and tactics, and the royal preserves were laid aside consequently and finally they had become the private forests of influential persons since 17th century. c) Forests for official use. All the forests for official use occupied by government officies since the KORYO Dynasty were expropriated by the YI Dynasty in 1392, and afterwards the forests were allotted on a fixed standard area to the government officies in need of firewoods, and as the forest resources became exhausted due to the depredated forest yield, each office gradually enlarged the allotted area. In the 17th century the national land had been almost devastated by the Japanese invasion and therefore each office was in the difficulty with severe deficit in revenue, thereafter waste lands and forest lands were allotted to government offices inorder to promote the land clearing and the increase in the collections of taxes. And an abuse of wide occupation of the forests by them was derived and there appeared a cause of disorder in the forest land system. So a provision prohibiting to allot the forests newly official use was enacted in 1672, nevertheless the government offices were trying to enlarge their occupied area by encroaching the boundary and this abuse continued up to the end of the YI Dynasty. d) Private forests. The government, at the bigninning of the YI Dynasty, expropriated the forests all over the country under the principle of prohibition of private occupancy of forest lands except for the national uses, while it could not expropriate completely all of the forest lands privately occupied and inherited successively by bureaucrats, and even local governors could not control them because of their strong influences. Accordingly the King, TAI JONG (1401 to 1418 A.D.), legislated the prohibition of private forest occupancy in his code, KYEONG JE YUK JEON (1413), and furthermore he repeatedly emphasized to observe the law. But The private occupancy of forest lands was not yet ceased up at the age of the King, SE JO (1455 to 1468 A.D.), so he prescribed the provision in KYEONG KUK DAI JEON (1474), an immutable law as a written constitution in the YI Dynasty: "Anyone who privately occupy the forest land shall be inflicted 80 floggings" and he prohibited the private possession of forest area even by princes and princesses. But, it seemed to be almost impossible for only one provsion in a code to obstruct the historical growing tendecy of private forest occupancy, for example, the King, SEONG JONG (1470 to 1494 A.D.), himself granted the forests to his royal families in defiance of the prohibition and thereafter such precedents were successively expanded, and besides, taking advantage of these facts, the influential persons openly acquired their private forest lands. After tyrannical rule of the King, YEON SAN (1945 to 1506 A.D.), the political disorder due to the splits to bureaucrats with successional feuds and the usurpations of thrones accelerated the private forest occupancy in all parts of the country, thus the forbidden clause on the private forest occupancy in the law had become merely a legal fiction since the establishment of the Dynasty. As above mentioned, after the invasion of Japanese in 1592, the courts of princes (KUNG BANGG) fell into the financial difficulties, and successive kings transferred the right of tax collection from fisherys and saltfarms to each KUNG BANG and at the same time they allotted the forest areas in attempt to promote the clearing. Availing themselves of this opportunity, royal families and bureaucrats intended to occupy the forests on large scale. Besides a privilege of free selection of grave yard, which had been conventionalized from the era of the KORYO Dynasty, created an abuse of occuping too wide area for grave yards in any forest at their random, so the King, TAI JONG, restricted the area of grave yard and homestead of each family. Under the policy of suppresion of Buddhism in the YI Dynasty a privilege of taxexemption for Buddhist temples was deprived and temple forests had to follow the same course as private forests did. In the middle of 18th century the King, YEONG JO (1725 to 1776 A.D.), took an impartial policy for political parties and promoted the spirit of observing laws by putting royal orders and regulations in good order excessively issued before, thus the confused political situation was saved, meanwhile the government officially permittd the private forest ownership which substantially had already been permitted tacitly and at the same time the private afforestation areas around the grave yards was authorized as private forests at least within YONG HO (a boundary of grave yard). Consequently by the enforcement of above mentioned policies the forbidden clause of private forest ownership which had been a basic principle of forest system in the YI Dynasty entireely remained as only a historical document. Under the rule of the King, SUN JO (1801 to 1834 A.D.), the political situation again got into confusion and as the result of the exploitation from farmers by bureaucrats, the extremely impoverished rural communities created successively wandering peasants who cleared burnt fields and deforested recklessly. In this way the devastation of forests come to the peak regardless of being private forests or national forests, moreover, the influential persons extorted private forests or reserved forests and their expansion of grave yards became also excessive. In 1894 a regulation was issued that the extorted private forests shall be returned to the initial propriators and besides taking wide area of the grave yards was prohibited. And after a reform of the administrative structure following western style, a modern forest possession system was prepared in 1908 by the forest law including a regulation of the return system of forest land ownership. At this point a forbidden clause of private occupancy of forest land got abolished which had been kept even in fictitious state since the foundation of the YI Dynasty. e) Common forests. As above mentioned, the forest system in the YI Dynasty was on the ground of public ownership principle but there was a high restriction to the forest profits of farmers according to the progressive private possession of forest area. And the farmers realized the necessity of possessing common forest. They organized village associations, SONGE or KEUM SONGE, to take the ownerless forests remained around the village as the common forest in opposition to influential persons and on the other hand, they prepared the self-punishment system for the common management of their forests. They made a contribution to the forest protection by preserving the common forests in the late YI Dynasty. It is generally known that the absolute monarchy expr opriates the widespread common forests all over the country in the process of chainging from thefeudal society to the capitalistic one. At this turning point in Korea, Japanese colonialists made public that the ratio of national and private forest lands was 8 to 2 in the late YI Dynasty, but this was merely a distorted statistics with the intention of rationalizing of their dispossession of forests from Korean owners, and they took advantage of dead forbidden clause on the private occupancy of forests for their colonization. They were pretending as if all forests had been in ownerless state, but, in truth, almost all the forest lands in the late YI Dynasty except national forests were in the state of private ownership or private occupancy regardless of their lawfulness.

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