• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.15 no.12
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• pp.177-184
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• 2015

This study aimed not only to analyze local residents' awareness of local government, basic functions related to local government main agent's participation, and residents' consciousness/will of participation, but also to seek for the policy direction for the residents' participation. In the results of the analysis, the positive responses to the awareness of local government, residents participation system, and the collection of opinions were low. The residents' participation can reduce the conflict of policies and increase the outcomes while it can also increase the residents' happiness through their interest in the region and personal participation in politics. In order to continuously and stably develop the local self-governing system in Korea, it is required to put efforts into reviewing and improving various issues like the change in the awareness of residents' participation and efficient management of the system.

• KDI Journal of Economic Policy
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• v.15 no.2
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• pp.65-87
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• 1993

본고(本稿)는 빈곤문제(貧困問題)를 둘러싼 새로운 시각(視角)을 설명하고 빈곤대책(貧困對策)의 방향전환을 촉구하기 위해서 집필되었다. 복지차원(福祉次元)의 부조(扶助)에 의존하기보다는 스스로의 노동(勞動)에 의해 자립(自立)할 수 있도록 도와주는 것이 최선(最善)의 빈곤대책(貧困對策)이라고 보는 시각(視角)인 것이다. 세계은행(世界銀行) 둥이 빈곤대책(貧困對策)을 보더라도 가능한 한 자신의 노력(努力)과 노동(勞動)에 의해 자립(自立)할 수 있어야 하며 또한 그러한 기회가 최대한 보장되어야 한다는 점이 부각되고 있다. 사회부조(社會扶助)의 대상자들인 빈민(貧民)들이 개인적(個人的)으로나 자발적(自發的)인 조직화에 의해 시장경제(市場經濟)에 참여하여 적극적인 삶의 추구를 도모할 때 이는 취업증가를 통한 소득증가(所得增加), 나아가서 지역개발(地域開發) 및 국가경제성장(國家經濟成長)에도 기여하게 될 것이다. 더불어 사회적(社會的) 안정(安定) 및 정치적(政治的) 기반형성(基盤形成) 등 바람직한 외부효과(外部效果)를 창출할 가능성이 높게 된다. 본고(本稿)는 태동되기 시작한 빈민들의 생산협동조합운동(生産協同組合運動)에 초점을 맞추어 지역사회에 근거를 둔 경제공동체사업(經濟共同體事業)의 활성화를 강조하고 있다. 이로써 취업기회(就業機會)가 확충되고 지역개발(地域開發)이 촉진되며 그들의 소득증가(所得增加)를 통하여 탈빈곤(脫貧困)에도 도움을 줄 수 있을 것이므로 빈곤대책(貧困對策)의 우선순위(優先順位)가 여기에 두어져야 할 것이라고 제안하고 있다. 조금이라도 일할 수 있는 능력(能力)이 있다면 빈민(貧民)들은 협동조합(協同組合)을 결성하여 자립(自立)할 수 있도록 스스로 노력해 나가야 할 것인바, 이에 대하여 정부는 새마을금고(金庫) 등을 통한 금융지원(金融支援)과 조세감면(租稅減免)을 통하여 조직화를 지원하는 방향으로 인센티브를 제공해야 할 것이다.

• Korean Journal of Comparative Education
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• v.28 no.3
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• pp.1-22
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• 2018

The purpose of this study is to understand the features of private tutoring and its social and economic implications in Eastern European countries. In recent decades, academic attention to private tutoring increased as the expansion of private tutoring has been noticed globally including Europe, Africa and South America. Firstly, this study will investigate the nature and the scale of private tutoring in Eastern European countries which experienced transition to a democratic and market economy. Secondly, it will analyze the growth of private tutoring in the context of education market. Finally, it will consider some issues relating to intervening private tutoring in order to promote the equal opportunity of education in public education provision.

• Proceedings of the Korea Water Resources Association Conference
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• 2018.05a
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• pp.84-84
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• 2018

본 연구는 두만강 유역국가(북한, 중국, 러시아) 및 인접국가(한국, 몽골, 일본) 간의 협력과정과 현안을 1991년부터 현재까지 광역두만강개발계획(Greater Tumen Initiative: GTI)을 통해 검토함으로써 동아시아에서 지역개발계획을 통한 공동의 이익창출과 공유가능성을 짚어보고 정책적 시사점을 찾고자 한다. 분석이론으로 이익공유(Benefit Sharing)이론을 적용하여 국제하천에서 한 유역국가가 독단적인 계획과 사업을 통하여 얻는 이익보다 모든 유역국가의 참여를 바탕으로 추진하는 지역개발을 통한 이익이 더 크다는 점을 확인하고자 한다. 두만강 유역은 1991년 UNDP 주도 하에 두만강지역개발프로그램(Tumen River Area Development Program: TRADP)을 시작으로 지역개발협력이 진행되어 2005년 광역두만강개발계획으로 발전되었으나 2009년 북한의 GTI 탈퇴, 리더쉽 부재, 재원부족 등으로 현재 답보 상태에 빠져있는 실정이다. 그럼에도 불구하고 프로그램 진행 과정 속에서 회원국 간의 공통 관심사항을 도출하고 직간접적으로 동아시아 평화안보 구축에 도움을 주었으며 교통, 물류, 에너지, 관광 및 환경 관련 사업을 추진하여 동아시아 공동 지역개발의 단초를 마련하는 성과를 거두었다. 아직 풀어가야 할 숙제가 많지만 GTI는 2014년 이후 본격으로 추진하고 있는 국제기구로의 전환을 통해 새로운 전기를 마련하고자 노력하고 있다. 또한 GTI는 북한 핵무기 개발과 미사일 발사 등으로 경직되어있는 동북아 상황을 완화하고 현 정부의 신북방정책의 발전을 위한 교두보 역할을 할 수 있을 것이며 역내 국가 간 협력을 지속적으로 추진할 수 있는 밑바탕이 될 수 있을 것이다.

• Journal of the Korea Convergence Society
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• v.10 no.2
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• pp.175-182
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• 2019

China, more than any other countries in the world shared similar ideological system with Korea historically. That is confucian patriarchy, which later combined with socialism and capitalism respectively. Therefore, the hardship that modern chinese women had to go through in the course of great social changes would provide meaningful cross cultural insights in various women issues in Korea. Thus this study attempts to focus on Ding Ling, who is considered to be one of the first women that brought the feminism up in China. One of her early works, and from Yan'an days were analyzed to mirror current feminist movement.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.31 no.4
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• pp.662-671
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• 1996

Since the world's economic and political structures have changed, the term 'globlization' has shown up as a dominant power and as a necessity for regional and national development. Each nation is responding to the globalization process economically and politically in various ways. In general, however, the economic response to the globalization is economic restructuring from the Fordist industries to 'flexible specialization'. And the political response to the globalization is 'global localization' as a new type of local politics(i.e., local policy activism or growth-enhancing local development policies). The crisis of Fordism shifted the role of local governments towards more involovement with local economic development. Local governments are mobilizing for loca economic development, they are taken into a process of institutional change that tends to redefine their responsibilities inside the state. Local governments thus tend to act as an entrepreneur in order to restructure theiir local economies and to compete with other national and international regions. State restructuring towards enerepreneurialism and efficient regional policy pursuing a pro-growth coalition trategy is chosen as a new mode of regulation for the post-Fordism at the local level. The flexible specialization as the post-Fordist economy and the local government as an entrepreneur are the global choice for globalization and a post-Fordist society. The paper focuses on the regulation theory which comprises the political economic perspective on resturcturing. Economic restructuring and state restructuring will be discussed in detail. And the paper tries to combine the economic globalization and the global localization as economic and political responses to globalization.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.51 no.5
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• pp.613-632
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• 2016

The recent diagnosis of the Anthropocene challenges public understanding of nature as a pure and singular entity removed from society, as the diagnosis confirms the earth-changing force of humans. In geography, the nature-society divide has been critically interrogated long before the diagnosis of the Anthropocene, developing several ways of theorizing nature-society relations. This paper introduces a new frontier for such theoretical endeavors: more-than-human geography. Inspired by the material and performative turn in geography and the social sciences around the 2000s, more-than-human geographers have sought to re-engage with the livingness of the world in the study of nature-society relations. Drawing on actor-network theory, non-representational theory (NRT) and vitalism, they have developed innovative ways of thinking about and relating to nature through the key concepts of 'nonhuman agency' and 'affect'. While more-than-human geography has been extensively debated and developed in recent Euro-American scholarship on cultural and economic geography, it has so far received limited attention in Korean geographical studies on nature. This paper aims to address this gap by discussing the key concepts and seminal work of more-than-human geography. I first outline four theoretical strands through which nature-society relations are perceived in geography. I then offer an overview of more-than-human geography, discussing its theoretical foundations and considering ontologies, epistemologies, politics and ethics associated with nature-society relations. Then, I compare more-than-human geography with political ecology, which is the mainstream critical approach in contemporary environmental social sciences. I would argue that more-than-human geography further challenges and develops political ecology through its heightened attention to the affective capacity of nonhumans and the methodological ethos of doing a careful political ecology. I conclude by reflecting on the implications of more-than-human geography for Korean studies on nature-society relations.

• The Journal of the Petrological Society of Korea
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• v.6 no.2
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• pp.96-110
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• 1997

The Wondong Caldera, formed by the voluminous eruption of the rhyolitic ashflows of the Wondong Tuff which is about 1,550 m thick at the intracaldera and 550 m at the outflow, is a resurgent caldera which shows a dome structure on the central exposure of the caldera. The Wondong caldera volcanism eviscerated the magma chamber by a series of explosive eruptions during which rhyolitic magma was ejected, as small fallouts and voluminous ash-flows, to form the Wondong Tuff. The explosive eruptions began with ash-falls, progressed through pumice-falls and transmitted ash-flows. During the ash-flow phase the initial central vent eruption transmitted into late ring-fissure eruption which accompanied with caldera collapse. Contemporaneous collapse of the roop of the chamber resulted in the formation of the Wondong Caldera, a subcircular depression subsiding about 1,930 deep. Following the collapse, quartz porphyry was intruded as ring dykes along the ring fracture near the southwestern caldera rim. Subsequently the central part of the caldera floor began to be uplifted into a circular resurgent dome by the rising of residual magma. Concurrent with the resurgent doming, the volcaniclastic sediments of Hwajeri Formation were accumulated in the caldera moat and then rhyodacite lava erupted from the initial central resurgent dome and another ash-flow tuff from the northern ring fracture. After the sedimentation, the find-grained granodiorite was intruded as an arc along the eastern ring fracture of the caldera. Finally in the central part, the resurgent magma was emplaced as a hornblende biotite granite stock that formed the central dome.

• Informatization Policy
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• v.31 no.1
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• pp.53-71
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• 2024

Digital transformation calls for a new social contract that must transform the existing norms and paradigms of our society. Digital constitutionalism is a way of building new order through a new social contract and is an ideology that aims to establish and ensure a normative framework for the protection of fundamental rights and balance of power in the digital environment. The Internet/Digital Bill of Rights is a representative example of constitutionalization based on this ideology. Initially, it took the form of an informal, non-binding declaration led by civil society organizations or various stakeholders, setting forth normative principles adapted to the changing nature of digital society. More recently, they have taken the form of formal charters, declarations, or laws containing principles at the national or regional level. The "Digital Bill of Rights" proposed by the Korean government can be seen as an example of this trend, but it does not fully reflect the recent trend of Internet/Digital Bills of Rights in terms of substantive and procedural legitimacy. Even if the government provides a certain normative direction, it needs to be combined with a concrete action plan in each area to create a balance of norms with digital technologies and industries instead of simply being a "declaration".

• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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• v.7 no.3
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• pp.91-106
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• 2001

Local government takes an active role in the (re)making of local socio-economic space. To support such an argument, the three different actions by the local government of Taegu, urban planning and local industrial districts, the establishment of special educational institutions, and textile festival are analyzed. The division of the city's space into residential, commercial, and industrial area by local government constrained the location of local manufacturing industries. It also forced textile industry to move to the outskirts of Taegu. As the education level in South Korea rose after the late 1970s, the local government of Taegu as well as local industrial capitalists had to do something to acquire a stable supply of labor to local manufacturing industries, particularly textile one. After the late 1970s, the special classes for the education of local workers, especially textile ones were established within vocational high school and company-operated high schools were also built in Taegu. Finally, local government started a program of textile festival in 1985. Through textile festival, local government as well as local textile business people tried to reproduce textile industry as the main economic activity of Taegu.