• Tuberculosis and Respiratory Diseases
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• v.54 no.1
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• pp.57-70
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• 2003

Background : Small cell lung cancer represents approximately 20% of all carcinomas of the lung, and is recognized as having a poor long term outcome compared to non-small cell lung cancer. Therefore, this study investigated the prognostic factors in small cell lung cancer patients in order to improved the survival rate by using the proper therapeutic methods. Material and method : The clinical data from 394 patients who diagnosed with small cell lung cancer and treated from 1993 to 2001 at the Kosin University Gospel Hospital, were analyzed. Result : There were 314 male patients (79.7%), and 80 female patients (20.3%). The number of those with limited disease was 177 (44.9%), and the number of those with extensive disease was 217 (55.1%). Overall, 366 out of 394 enrolled patients had died. The median survival time was 215 days (95% CI : 192-237days). The disease stage, Karnofsky performance state, 5% body weight loss for the recent 3 months, chemotherapy regimens, and the additive chest radiotherapy were identified as being statistically significant factors for the survival time. The median survival times of the supportive care group, one anticancer therapy, and two or more treatment groups were 17 days, 211 days, and 419 day, respectively (p<0.001). These data emphasize the importance of anticancer treatment to improve survival time for patients. The group of concurrent chemoradiotherapy (30 patients) showed significantly longer survival time than the group given sequential chemoradiotherapy (55 patients) (528 days versus 373 days, p=0.0237). The favorable prognostic factors of laboratory study were groups of leukocyte =8,000/mm3, ALP=200 U/L, LDH=450 IU/L, NSE=15 ng/mL, s-GOT=40 IU/L. In extensive disease, there was no difference according to the number of metastatic site. However, the median survival time of patients with ipsilateral pleural effusion had longer than patients having other metastatic sites. According to the survey periods, three groups were divided into 1993-1995, 1996-1998, and 1999-2001. The median survival time was significantly prolonged after 1999 in comparison to previous groups (177 days, 194 days, 289 days, p=0.001, 0.002, respectively). Conclusion: Disease stage and 5% body weight loss for recent 3 months at diagnostic state were significant prognostic factors. In addition, the performance status, serum ALP, LDH, NSE, CEA levels also appear to be prognostic factors. The survival time of those patients with small cell lung cancer has been prologned in recent years. It was suggested that the used of the EP (etoposied and cisplatin) chemotherapy method and concurrent chemoradiotherapy for patients with a limited stage contributed to the improved survival time.

• Korean Journal of Psychosomatic Medicine
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• v.8 no.1
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• pp.31-45
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• 2000

Objectives : The present study was performed to reveal differences between female and male cases of alopecia in their alopecia related variables such as patterns of hair loss, psychiatric characteristics, associate illnesses, and methods of treatment, and to use them as basic materials for proper management and early prevention of the alopecia prone cases. Methods : In order to analysis the gender difference in hair losses, the subjects were divided into two subgroups as the 51 cases of female alopecia and the 42 cases of male alopecia, who had visited to the department of psychiatry consulted from the department of dermatology, Yongsan hopital, ChungAng University, Seoul, Korea, from January 1998 to December 1998. In data analysis, the subjects were statistically assesed by chi-squre test and analysis of varaiance, through SPSS-$PC^+$ 9.0V. Results : 1) Female subjects were more likely showed lower socio-economical level including lower eonomical level, lower educational level, or lower occupational level in their parent's job, were more likely to have larger number of siblings and to have many sisters comparison to the male cases. 2) Female subjects were more likely visited to the department of dermatology, more history of alopecia in their female family members, lesser history of alopecia in their male family members, more loss of hairs in vertex or frontal region of scalp, lesser loss of hairs in occipital region, and lesser nail changes in comparison to the male cases. 3) Female subjects were more suffered from intra-familial conflicts and economical changes, or their introverted personality makeup, lesser likely suffered from changes of business and health changes, and showed lesser conflicts related with poorer adaptaion in their job life. 4) Female subjects were more likely diagnosed as depression or conversion disorders, more frequently complaint anxiety symptoms or depressive symptoms, higher level of anxiety index, lesser complaint somatization or obsessive compulsive symptoms, and lesser diagnosed as anxiety disorder in comparison to the male cases. 5) Female subjects were more likely tended to show personality makeup such as the introverted, the lie, the repressed, or the feminine trends than the male cases. 6) Female subjects were more significantly treated by antianxiety drug such as etizolam and dermatological therapies include tretinoin, and lesser treated by clotiazepam and prednicarbonate in comparison to the male cases. Conclusion : From the facts that The most important factors in developing hair loss in the female subjects in comparison to the male cases seems to be closely correlated with the serious psychopathology such as the presence of mental disorders including depression, the presence of complaining anxiety or depressive symptomatology, the presence of stressful life events such as intrafamilial life changes, and the presence of personality makeup such as the introverted, the lie, the repressed, or the feminine trends, the authors confirmed that dermatologists act as the primary care physician are in a unique position to recognize psychiatric comorbidity and execute meaningful intervention for female patients with the alopecia with psychiatrists.

• Proceedings of the KOR-BRONCHOESO Conference
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• 1972.03a
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• pp.5-6
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• 1972

Noise and air pollution, which accompany the development of industry and the increase of population, contribute to the deterioration of urban environment. The air pollution level of Seoul has gradually increased and the city residents are suffering from a high pollution of noise. If no measures were taken against pollution, the amount of emission of pollutant into air would be 36.7 thousand tons per year per square kilometer in 1975, three times more than that of 1970, and it would be the same level as that of United States in 1968. The main sources of air pollution in Seoul are the exhaust has from vehicles and the combustion of bunker-C oil for heating purpose. Thus, it is urgent that an exhaust gas cleaner should be instaled to every car and the fuel substituted by less sulfur-contained-oil to prevent the pollution. Transportation noise (vehicular noise and train noise) is the main component of urban noise problem. The average noise level in downtown area is about 75㏈ with maximum of 85㏈ and the vehicular homing was checked 100㏈ up and down. Therefore, the reduction of the number of bus-stop the strict regulation of homing in downtown area and a better maintenance of car should be an effective measures against noise pollution in urban areas. Within the distance of 200 metres from railroad, the train noise exceeds the limit specified by the pollution control law in Korea. Especially, the level of noise and steam-whistle of train as measured by the ISO evaluation can adversely affect the community activities of residents. To prevent environmental destruction, many developed countries have taken more positive action against worsening pollution and such an action is now urgently required in this country.

• Korean Journal of Cleft Lip And Palate
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• v.9 no.2
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• pp.85-92
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• 2006

Korean Cleft Lip and Palate Association (KCLPA) was founded in 1996. The first overseas charity operation was in Karachi, Pakistan, 2002 and our association has visited fourteen times in six countries for the free cleft surgery: Pakistan, Egypt, Kenya, Morocco, Jordan and Vietnam. The cumulated number of operated patients reaches to 280. Before our association, many Korean oral and maxillofacial surgeons have performed charity operations individually since 1964. It was started from Vietnam but the activity is now carried on in Africa, middle-east Asia, south-east Asia, China, and Korea as an official team. LG electronics, a Korean company helped to propagate our team's activity to middle-east Asia to Africa. This paper is a report concerning about the results of our association's charity activities especially in Kenya, east Africa. We provided free cleft surgery for 30 patients in 2004 and 27 patients in 2005, in Nairobi. As the blood test for HIV of the cleft patients was not allowed before and during surgery, our surgeons and nurses were cautious about every movement during the surgeries. Thus the operation time for each patient was longer than any other time. The attitude of the local hospital and the doctors seemed to be accustomed to this situation. They helped us in case of needle injuries. Safety of medical staff and patients is more important than the number of the patients operated in charity operation. This belief should be approached being parallel and multidisciplinary as an international cooperation, focusing on international funding for medical support and continuous education for local doctors who are willing to devote to their people.

• Korean Journal of Agricultural Science
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• v.17 no.1
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• pp.1-8
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• 1990

The paper board sludge(PBS) itself and compost sludge manure(CSM) mixed with sawdust, fowl droppings and urea to the PBS were treated to soybean plants to find the effects of growing characters, yield components, and nutritional compounds in the plant tissues. 1. Percentages of missing plants were 5-9% and 3.6-4.1% in the treatments of PBS and CSM, respectively. After that, the plants were restored to normal conditions. Anyway it is not desirable to use the paper board sludge and immature compost sludge manure in seeding time or to young seedlings. 2. Growth of the plant height was retarded in early growing phase, but it was normal in later stages. And the width and length of the largest leaf, numbers of main stem nodes and pods were not significant among the treatments. 3. The yield intends to increase through the treatments of 1,200, 1,600, and 2,000Kg PBS per 10a. In the CSM treatments with high rate of sawdust, fowl droppings and urea, the numbers of pods and grains were higher than the treatment of high content of PBS. 100-grain and one liter weights were opposite intention. It was suggested that the excess nitrogen amounts from the compost sludge manure than conventional fertilization affected to the yield components. 4. The contents of the main chemical compounds such as N, $P_2O_5$, $K_2O$, Ca, Mg were determined. The concentrations of nitrogen were higher in the treatment of PBS and CSM than none and control. 5. In conclusion, the nutritional effects of PBS were in evidence. To use the sludges, it should be fermented with adequate additives to improve the aeration, C/N ratio, activity of microbial, and other conditions. The sludges could be used to crops as a fertilizers effectively.

• Korean Journal of Agricultural Science
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• v.3 no.1
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• pp.39-51
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• 1976

As an accempt to increase thc efficiency of land use and the food production to achieve the national goal in the food self-sufficiency, nine cropping systems on the upper-land were examined in pure-stand and in mixtures of soybean, corn, potato and radish. The important conclusions of this study were summarized as follows; 1. The flowering date of soybean was two or three days earlier in pure-stand than in the mixture with corn. The maturing date two days earlier in the pure-stand than in the mixture with corn. The flowering and maturing dates were not different among various cropping systems in corn. 2. The stem length of soybean was significantly different among various cropping systems. Soybean in pure-stand was shorter in stem length than with corn. 3. The number of pods per soybean plant did not give any significant differences among various cultivation methods. 4. The length of internode and the number of nodes per soybean plant in the mixture with corn were greater than in the pure-stand. In the number of branches per plant this was reversed. 5. The average stem dry weight of soybean per 10a was not significantly different among various cultivation methods. 6. The soybean yield per 10a in the pure-stand was obviously greater than the mixture and there were significant differences among cultivation method within the mixture with corn in soybean yield. 7. The 1,000-grain weight of soybean was significantly different and those in the pure-stand was heavier than those in the mixture with corn. 8. Grain weight per soybean plant and the stem diameter in the pure-stand were significantly lesser than those in the mixture with corn. 9. In the comparisons of corn in the pure-stand and in the mixture with soybean, plant height, number of ear per 10a, mean ear weight and remember of grain per plant, 100-grain weight, ear length, ear girth and number of ear pel plant were not significantly different among various cultivation methods except for the grain yield per 10a. 10. In the economic analysis, the mixture with soybean and corn gave the greatest gross income. The combination 7 was the best which was 47.6% increase income comparing with the soybean pure-stand. 11. As it can be assumed, soybean plant was influenced greatly than corn by various cropping system. It is necessary to study more complex cropping system finding and giving more desirable multiple cropping system for the farmer.

• Journal of Korean Medical classics
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• v.9
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• pp.555-652
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• 1996

Up to the present the scholastic achievements in the history of the medical system have been rather scare despite its importance in the Korean History. Hence, this dissertation attempts to examine the significance of the institute in the Korean History, covering the period from the ancient times through the early Chosun-Dynasty. In the ancient times, the medical practice relied primarily upon human instincts and experiences at the same time, shaman's incantations were widely believed to cure diseases, the workings of evil spirits supposedly. For the period from the Old Chosun through Samhan(巫堂), Chinese refugees brought a long medical knowledge and skills of the continent. New Chinese medicine, traditional practices and incantations were generally used at this time. Medicine and the medical system were arranged by the period of the Three Countries(三國時代). No definite record concerning Koguryo remains now. As for Paekje, however, history shows that they set up the system under the Chinese influence, assigning medical posts such as Euibaksa(medical doctor), Chaeyaksa(pharmacist), and Jukeumsa(medicine man) within Yakbu(department of medicine). Scientifically advanced, they sent experts to Japan, giving a tremendous influence on the development of the science on ancient Japan. After the unification of the three countries, Shilla had their own system after the model of Dang(唐). This system of the Unified Shilla was continued down to Koryo and became the backbone of the future ones. In the ancient time religion and medicine were closely related. The curative function of the shaman was absolute. Buddhism played a notable part in medical practice, too, producing numerous medical monks. The medical system of Koryo followed the model of Dang with some borrowings from Song(宋). Sangyakkuk(尙藥局) was to deal exclusively with the diseases of the monarch whereas Taeeuigam(太醫監) was the central office to handle the national medical administration and the qualification test and education for doctors. In addition, Dongsodaebiwon(東西大悲院), Jewibo(濟危寶), and Hyeminkuk(惠民局) were public hospitals for the people, and a few aristocrats practiced medicine privately. In 987, the 6th year of Songjong(成宗), local medical operations were installed for curing the sick and educating medical students. Later Hyonjong(顯宗), established Yakjom(clinics, 藥店) throughout the country and officials were sent there to see patients. Foreign experts, mainly from Song, were invited frequently to deliver their advanced technology, and contributed to the great progress of the science in Korea. Medical officials were equipped with better land and salary than others, enjoying appropriate social respect. Koryo exchanged doctors, medicine and books mainly with Song, but also had substantial interrelations with Yuan(元), Ming(明), Kitan(契丹), Yojin(女眞), and Japan. Among them, however, Song was most influential to the development of medicine in Koryo. During Koryo Dynasty Buddhism, the national religion at the time, exercised bigger effect on medicine than in any other period. By conducting national ceremonies and public rituals to cure diseases, Taoism also affected the way people regarded illness. Curative shamanism was still in practice as well. These religious practices, however, were now engaged only when medication was already in use or when medicine could not held not help any more. The advanced medical system of Koryo were handed down to Chosun and served the basis for further progress. Hence, then played well the role to connect the ancient medicine and the modern one. The early Chosun followed and systemized the scientific and technical achievement in medicine during the Koryo Dynasty, and furthermore, founded the basis of the future developments. Especially the 70 years approximately from the reign of Sejong(世宗) to that of Songjong(成宗) withnessed a termendous progress in the field with the reestablishment of the medical system. The functions of the three medical institute Naeeuiwon(內醫院), Joneuigam(典醫監), Hyeminkuk(惠民局) were expanded. The second, particualy, not only systemized all the medical practices of the whole nation, but also grew and distributed domestic medicaments which had been continually developed since the late Koryo period. In addition, Hyeminso(惠民局, Hwarinwon(活人院)) and Jesaenwon(濟生院)(later merged to the first) played certain parts in the curing illness. Despite the active medical education in the capital and the country, the results were not substantial, for the aristocracy avoided the profession due to the social prejudice against technicians including medical docotors. During the early Chosun-Dynasty, the science was divided into Chimgueui (acupuncturist), Naryogeui(specialist in scrofula) and Chijongeui (specialist in boil). For the textbooks, those for the qualification exam were used, including several written by the natives. With the introduction on Neoconfucianism(性理學) which reinforced sexual segregation, female doctors appeared for the female patients who refused to be seen by male doctors. This system first appeared in 1406, the sixth year of Taejong(太宗), but finally set up during the reign of Sejong. As slaves to the offices, the lowest class, female doctors drew no respect. However, this is still significant in the aspect of women's participation in society. They were precedents of midwives. Medical officials were selected through the civil exam and a special test. Those who passed exams were given temporary jobs and took permanent posts later. At that time the test score, the work experience and the performance record of the prospective doctor were all taken into consideration, for it was a specialized office. Most doctors were given posts that changed every six months, and therefore had fewer chances for a goverment office than the aristocracy. At the beginning the social status of those in medicine was not that low, but with the prejudice gradully rising among the aristocracy, it became generally agreed to belong to the upper-middle technician class. Dealing with life, however, they received social respect and courtesy from the public. Sometimes they collected wealth with their skills. They kept improving techniques and finally came to take an important share in modernization process during the late Chosun-Dynasty.

• Journal of Korean Medical classics
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• v.9
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• pp.432-552
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• 1996

The influence of the four noted physicians of Geum-Won era(金元代) on the completion of the medicine in the Chosun dynasty(朝鮮朝) can be summarized as follows. 1. The four noted physicians of Geum-Won era were Yoo-Wan-So(劉完素), Jang-Jong-Jung(張從正), Lee-Go(李杲), Ju-Jin-Heung(朱震亨). 2. Yoo-Wan-So(劉完索) made his theory on the basic of Nae-Kyung("內經") and Sane-Han-Lon("傷寒論"), his idea of medicine was characterized in his books, for exemple, application of O-Oon-Yuk-Ki(五運六氣), Ju-Wha theory(主火論) and hang-hae-seng-je theory(亢害承制論). from his theory and method of study, many deviations of oriental medicine occurred. He made an effort for study of Nae-Kyung, which had been depressed for many years, on the contrary of the way old study that Nae-Kyung had been only explained or revised, he applied the theory of Nae-Kyung to clinical care. The theory of Yuk-Gi-Byung-Gi(六氣病機) and On-Yeul-Byung(溫熱病) had much influenced on his students and posterities, not to mention Jang-Ja-Wha and Ju-Jin-Heung, who were among the four noted physicians therefore he became the father of Yuk-Gi(六氣) and On-Yeul(溫熱) schools. 3. Jang-Jong-Jung(張從正) emulated Yoo-Wan-So as a model, and followed his Yuk-Gi-Chi-Byung(六氣致病) theory, but he insisted on the use of the chiaphoretic, the emetic and the paregoric to get rid of the causes, specially he insisted on the use of the paregoric, so they called him Gong-Ha-Pa(攻下派). He insisted on the theory that if we would strenthen ourselves we should use food, id get rid of cause, should use the paregoric, emetic and diaphoretic. Jang-Jong-Jung'S Gang-Sim-Wha(降心火) theory, which he improved Yoo-Wan-So's Han-Ryang(寒凉) theory influenced to originate Ju-Jin-Heung'S Ja-Eum-Gang-Wha(滋陰降火) theory. 4. Lee-Go(李杲) insisted on the theory that Bi-Wi(脾胃) played a loading role in the physiological function and pathological change, and that the internal disease was originated by the need of Gi(氣) came from the disorder of digestive organs, and that the causes of internal disease were the irregular meal, the overwork, and mental shock. Lee-Go made an effort for study about the struggle of Jung-Sa(正邪) and in the theory of the prescription he asserted the method of Seung-Yang-Bo-Gi(升陽補氣), but he also used the method of Go-Han-Gang-Wha(苦寒降火). 5. The authors of Eui-Hak-Jung-Jun("醫學正傳"), Eui-Hak-Ib-Moon("醫學入門"), and Man-Byung-Whoi-Choon("萬病回春") analyzed the medical theory of the four noted physicians and added their own experiences. They helped organizing existing complicated theories of the four noted physicians imported in our country, and affected the formation of medical science in the Choson dynasty largely. Eui-Hak-Jung-Jun("醫學正傳") was written by Woo-Dan(虞槫), in this book, he quoted the theories of Yoo-Wan-So, Jang-Jong-Jung, Lee-Go, Ju-Jin-Heung, especially, Ju-Jin-Heung was respected by him, it affected the writing of Eui-Lim-Choal-Yo("醫林撮要"). Eui-Hak-ib-Moon("醫學入門"), written by Lee-Chun(李杲), followed the medical science of Lee-Go and ju-jin-heung from the four noted physicians of Geum-Won era. Its characteristics of Taoism, idea of caring of health, and organization affected Dong-Eui-Bo-Kham("東醫寶鑑"). Gong-Jung-Hyun(龔延賢) wrote Man-Byung-Whoi-Choon("萬病回春") using the best part of the theories of Yoo-Wan-So, Jang-Jong-Jung, Lee-Go, Ju-Jin-Heung, this book affected Dong-Eui-Soo-Se-Bo-Won("東醫壽世保元") partly. 6. our medical science was developed from the experience of the treatment of disease obtained from human life, these medical knowledge was arranged and organized in Hyang-Yak-Jib-Sung-Bang("鄕藥集成方"), medical books imported from China was organized in Eui-Bang-Yoo-Chwi("醫方類聚"), which formed the base of medical development in the Chosun dynasty. 7. Eui-Lim-Choal-Yo("醫林撮要") was written by Jung-Kyung-Sun(鄭敬先) and revised by Yang-Yui-Soo(楊禮壽). It was written on the base of Woo-Dan's Eui-Jung-Jun, which compiled the medical science of the four noted physicians of Geum-Won era. It contained confusing theories of the four noted physicians of Geum-Won era and organized medical books of Myung era, therefore it completed the basic form of Byun-Geung-Non-Chi (辨證論治) influenced the writing of Dong-Eui-Bo-Kham("東醫寶鑑"). 8. Dong-Eui-Bo-Kham("東醫寶鑑") was written on the base of basic theory of Eum-Yang-O-Haeng(陰陽五行) and the theory of respondence of heaven and man(天人相應說) in Nae-Kyung. It contained several theories and knowledge, such as the theory of Essence(精), vitalforce(氣), and spirit(神) of Taoism, medical science of geum-won era, our original medical knowledge and experience. It had established the basic organization of our medical science and completed the Byun-Geung-Non-Chi (辨證論治). Dong-Eui-Bo-Kham developed medical science from simple medical treatment to protective medical science by caring of health. And it also discussed human cultivation and Huh-Joon's(許浚) own view of human life through the book. Dong-Eui-Bo-Kham adopted most part of Lee-Go(李杲) and Ju-Jin-Heung's(朱震亨) theory and new theory of "The kidney is the basis of apriority. The spleen is the basis of posterior", so it emphasized the role of spleen and kidney(脾腎) for Jang-Boo-Byung-Gi(臟腑病機). It contained Ju-Jin-Heung's theory of the cause and treatment of disease by colour or fatness of man(black or white, fat or thin). It also contained Ju-Jin-Heung's theory of "phlegm break out fever, fever break out palsy"(痰生熱 熱生風) and the theory of Sang-Wha(相火論). Dong-Eui-Bo-Kham contained Lee-Go's theory of Wha-Yu-Won-Bool-Yang-Lib (火與元氣不兩立論) quoted the theory of Bi-Wi(脾胃論) and the theory of Nae-Oi-Sang-Byun(內外傷辨). For the use of medicine, it followed the theory by Lee-Go. lt used Yoo-Wan-So'S theory of Oh-Gi-Kwa-Keug-Gae-Wi-Yul-Byung(五志過極皆爲熱病) for the treatment of hurt-spirit(傷神) because fever was considered as the cause of disease. It also used Jang-Jons-Jung's theory of Saeng-Keug-Je-Seung(生克制勝) for the treatment of mental disease. 9. Lee-je-ma's Dong-Eui-Soo-Se-Bo-Won("東醫壽世保元") adopted medical theories of Song-Won-Myung era and analyzed these theories using the physical constitutional theory of Sa-Sang-In(四象人). It added Dong-Mu's main idea to complete the theory and clinics of Sa-Sang-Eui-Hak(四象醫學). Lee-Je-Ma didn't quote the four noted physicians of Geum-Won era to discuss that the physical constitutional theory of disease and medicine from Tae-Eum-In(太陰人), So-Yang-In(少陽人), So-Eum-In(少陰人), and Tae-Yang-In(太陽人) was invented from their theories.

• Korean Journal of Agricultural Science
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• v.34 no.1
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• pp.19-35
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• 2007

The present study was carried out to examine the effect of EGF and IGF-I in vitro maturation (IVM) of porcine oocytes and development of porcine IVM/IVF embryos. The results were summarized as follows : 1. The rates of nuclear maturation, penetrated oocytes, pronuclear formation, polyspermic oocytes and mean numbers of the penetrated sperm were not different in NCSU-23 maturation medium with 0, 1, 5 and 10 ng/ml EGF and IGF-I (P>0.05). 2. The rates of blastocyst formation at day 7 after in vitro fertilization in 0, 1, 5 and 10 ng/ml EGF groups were $11.2{\pm}1.5%$, $15.0{\pm}8.3%$, $16.8{\pm}2.8%$ and $21.4{\pm}2.0%$, also 0, 1, 5 and 10 ng/ml IGF-I groups were $11.2{\pm}1.5%$, $15.0{\pm}8.3%$, $16.8{\pm}2.8%$ and $21.4{\pm}2.0%$, respectively. In the total cells case, EGF groups were $22.8{\pm}3.7$, $25.7{\pm}5.5$, $26.0{\pm}4.2$ and $35.1{\pm}4.7$, also IGF-I groups were $21.5{\pm}3.7$, $25.2{\pm}2.8$, $26.2{\pm}2.9$ and $33.2{\pm}3.6$, respectively. Both 10 ng/ml EGF group and 10 ng/ml IGF-I group were significantly higher than those of other treatment groups (P<0.05). 3. The rates of blastocyst formation at day 7 in the NCSU23 culture medium of porcine IVF-produced embryos with 0, 1, 5, and 10 ng/ml EGF groups were $14.0{\pm}1.7%$, $16.2{\pm}1.4%$, $16.9{\pm}1.2%$ and $23.1{\pm}1.6%$, also 0, 1, 5, 10 ng/ml IGF-I groups were $13.6{\pm}1.7$, $15.7{\pm}4.5$, $16.0{\pm}0.2$ and $25.0{\pm}0.8$, respectively. And in the total cells case, EGF grups were $21.8{\pm}2.9$, $25.2{\pm}2.8$, $39.7{\pm}2.7$ and $46.2{\pm}3.6$, also IGF-I groups were $20.7{\pm}2.9$, $26.2{\pm}2.9$, $24.6{\pm}2.4$ and $46.1{\pm}3.5$, respectively. Both 10 ng/ml EGF group and 10 ng/ml IGF-I group were significantly higher than those of any other treatment groups (P<0.05). In conclusion, these results suggested that the addition of 10 ng/ml EGF and IGF-I were effective on the blastocyst formation and total cells of blastocysts.

• Journal of Sasang Constitutional Medicine
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• v.8 no.1
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• pp.395-411
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• 1996

1. 연구배경 사상체질의학(四象體質醫學)을 창시하여 개인(個人)의 차별성(差別性)을 강조한 동무(東武) 이제마(李濟馬)는 양생(養生)의 방법(方法)에서도 체질별(體質別) 요법(療法)을 말하고 있는데 체질별(體質別)로 과소지장(過小之臟)의 기능(機能)이 정상적(正常的)으로 이루어지는 상황을 완실무병(完實無病)의 조건으로 제시(提示)하였고 이를 위한 수단(手段)으로 성정(性情)과 함께 약물(藥物), 식품(食品) 등을 이용하였다. 특히 식이요법(食餌療法)에 있어서도 체질(體質)에 따른 구별(區別)의 필요성(必要性)을 말하고 있는데 식품(食品)이라 하더라도 그 음식(飮食)을 섭취하여 과대(過大)한 장기(臟器)의 기능(機能)은 유제(柳制)하고 과소(過小)한 기능(機能)은 보완(補完)받음으로써 불균형(不均衡)을 조정(調整)한 것이다. 당뇨병의 식단 작성은 평생동안 열량(熱量)과 영양소(營養素) 필요치(必要置)을 맞출 것을 권장하고 당뇨병학회에서 편집한 식품교환표(食品交換表)를 사용(使用)하는 것이 일반적(一般的)인데 식품교환표(食品交換表)는 많은 식품(食品)들중에 같은 영양소를 가진 식품(食品)들을 한 그룹으로 묶어 환자(患者)의 기호(嗜好)에 따라 교환(交煥)해 가면서 먹을 수 있도록 고안(考案)한 것이니 이에 지시한 수량(數量)만 섭취해도 저(低)cal식(食)으로 관양(管養)의 균형(均衡)이 잘 이루어진다. 본 연구는 체질별로 이로운 식품표에 근거하여 식이요법(食餌療法)이 특히 강조되고 하루 섭취열량이 제한되는 성인병중의 하나인 당뇨병(糖尿病)의 식단(1800kcal)을 식단작성법에 따라 구성(構成)하여 몇가지 예를 제시해 보았다. 구체적으로 태음인(太陰人), 소음인(少陰人), 소양인(少陽人)의 당뇨 환자 1800kcal에 대한 식단을 구성하여 제시했는데 즉, 태음인(太陰人)의 식단은 태음인(太陰人)에 유리(有利)한 식품(食品)들로 구성하고 해(害)로운 식품(食品)들은 제외시키는 방법(方法)을 이용하였다. 이 식단은 다분히 이론적(理論的)인 식단으로 임상(臨床)에 이용(利用)하여 본 바는 없으나 동량(同量)의 열량(熱量)을 섭취(攝取)하더라도 체질(體質)에 적합(適合)한 식품(食品)으로 구성된 식사(食事)가 각 체질의 섭생(攝生)에 더 유리(有利)하지 않올까 하는 단순(單純)한 사고(思考)에 바탕을 둔 것이다. 2. 연구방법 1) 후세가(後世家)가 주장(主張)한 체질별(體質別) 식품(食品) 분류(分類)를 종합, 정리한 체질별(體質別) 식품표(食品表)를 제시한다. 박석언의 동의사상대전, 박인상의 동의사상요결, 송일병의 알기 쉬운 사상의학, 홍순용의 사상진료보원, 홍순용, 이을호의 사상의학원론에서 체질별로 유익한 식풍을 조사하여 곡류, 과일류, 채소류, 어패류, 육류로 분류하여 살펴본다. 2) 당뇨병(糖尿病) 식이요법의 식단 작성법의 개요(槪要)를 제시한다. 3) 1)의 체질별(體質別) 식품표(食品表)로 태음인(太陰人), 소음인(少陰人), 소양인(少陽人)의 당뇨 식단 1800kcal을 작성해 제시(提示)한다. 체질별(體質別)로 유익(有益)한 식품(食品)은 1)의 식품표에 근거(根據)하고 체질별(體質別)로 해(害)로운 식품(食品)은 노정우(盧正祐), 한동석(韓東錫)의 주장에 근거(根據)한다. 3. 결과 체질별(體質別) 식품표(食品表)는 후세가의 연구를 종합하여 제시(提示)하였고, 식품(食品)을 분류(分類)한 후(後) 약명(藥名)과 성미(性味), 귀경(歸經)을 찾아 도표화 하였다. 체질별 식품들은 대부분 소음인(少陰人)의 경우 신감(辛甘) 온열(溫熱)하며 비위(脾胃)로 귀경(歸經)하고 태음인(太陰人)의 경우 감신(甘辛) 온열(溫熱)하며 폐간(肺肝)으로 귀경(歸經)하고 소양인(少陽人)의 산고(酸苦) 양한(凉寒)하고 신(腎)으로 귀경(歸經)함이 우세(優勢)함을 알 수 있다. 즉, 체질적으로 양성(陽性)인 소양인(少陽人)은 식품의 성질이 음성(陰性)인 것이 유리(有利)하고 체질적으로 음성(陰性)인 태음인(太陰人), 소음인(少陰人)은 식품의 성질이 양성(陽性)인 것이 유리(有利)하다. 다양한 식품(食品)을 섭취하고자 하는 환자의 욕구(慾求)에 맞추면서도 식품교환의 범위를 체질별로 유익한 식품들로 제한하여 동일(同一)한 열량(熱量)의 식단이라도 체질에 맞는 식품으로 차별성(差別性)을 두었는데 식단의 작성은 전문 영양사의 의견을 거쳤다. 제시된 식단은 다소 이론적(理論的)으로 작성(作成)된 단계이고 임상적(臨床的) 검증을 거친 바 없으나 활용하기에 따라 실용성을 얻을 수 있으리라 본다. <식단예> 태음인의 식단: 곡류 : 콩, 율무, 밀가루, 밀, 수수, 들깨, 고구마, 땅콩, 기장, 옥수수, 두부, 설탕등 태음인에 유리한 식품으로 교환한다 어때류 : 우렁이, 대구, 조기, 민어, 청어, 오정어, 낙지, 미역, 김, 다시마등으로 교환한다 육류 : 소고기, 우유등으로 교환한다 과일류 : 밤, 배, 호도, 은행, 잣, 살구, 매실, 자두등으로 교환한다 채소류 : 무우, 도라지, 연근, 토란, 마, 고사리, 더덕, 목이버섯, 송이버섯, 석이버섯등으로 교환한다 해로운 음식 : 닭, 돼지, 모밀, 배추, 사과, 염소고기, 조개, 계란, 곳감, 커피등은 피한다 * 아침 ; 콩나물죽, 대구포묶음, 우령이무침, 갓김치, 우유, 자두 점심 ; 기장밥, 콩나물두부찌게, 장어양념구이, 도라지나물, 열무김치, 배 저녁 ; 수수밥, 두부명란, 더덕양념구이, 깍두기 * 아침 ; 비빔국수, 토란국, 알타리김치, 두유, 살구주스 점심 ; 율무밥, 낙지전골, 김무생채, 느타리나물무침, 동치미, 귤 저녁 ; 콩밥, 감자북어국, 두부묶음, 열무김치 소음인의 식단: 곡류 : 찹쌀, 좁쌀, 차조, 감자등 소음인에 유익한 식품으로 교환한다 어패류 : 명태, 미꾸라지, 뱀장어, 뱀, 메기등 육류 : 닭, 개, 꿩, 염소, 양, 참새고기등 과일류 : 사과, 귤, 복숭아, 대추등 채소류 : 미나리, 파, 마늘, 후추, 시금치, 양배추, 생강, 고추, 당근, 양파, 감자, 쑥갓등 해로운 음식 : 메밀, 호도, 계란, 고구마, 녹두, 돼지고기, 밤, 배, 배추, 보리, 쇠고기, 수박, 오이, 참외, 팥등은 피한다. * 아침 ; 찰밥, 닭찜, 감자전, 쑥갓나물, 부추김치, 사과 점심 ; 감자밥, 메기매운탕, 명태조림, 미나리, 고들빼기김치, 사과주스 저녁 ; 좁쌀밥, 양배추감자국, 병어양념구이, 연근양념조림, 귤, 인삼차.