• Convergence Security Journal
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• v.13 no.5
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• pp.67-75
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• 2013

South Korea suggest that the United States government should delay the date to hand over wartime operational control (OPCON). It is fixed on December 1, 2015. Typically the president's position as head of the executive authority is coming from the Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces. Now we should know the commander-in-chief of the nation's forces and the meaning of OPCON. The relationship between sovereignty and the commander-in-chief of the nation's forces is a little different. This is one of the efforts to enlarge the efficiency of Armed Forces. Of course, operational control is little control of the sovereign personnel, logistics, administration, discipline, organizing, training, etc. It does not control all matters. The current ROK Combined Forces Command itself is made with reference to the North Atlantic Treaty Organization(NATO). If we insist our own sovereignty is infringed because of OPCON, that claim is coated in irreparable damage to the national interest.

• The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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• v.8 no.5
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• pp.291-295
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• 2022

The transition to wartime operational control during the term of office, which was the promise of the Moon Jae Inn administration, fell through. More than 70 years after it was transferred during the Korean War in 1950, the policy of converting wartime operational control has been repeatedly decided and reversed several times. This conversion of wartime operational control is a national policy directly related to our security, and it is most important to understand the determinants of the administration's conversion to wartime operational control. This paper selects two cases of adjustment of wartime operational control policy during the Lee Myung Bak administration in 2006 and 2010 during the Roh Moo Hyun administration as the subject of the study and expects to gain not only policy predictive power but also successful policy execution at the time of the two administration' policy changes.

• Journal of Digital Convergence
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• v.9 no.6
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• pp.153-163
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• 2011

This study analyzes the military and political factors that influenced the Participatory Government's resolution in Wartime Operational Control (OPCON) Transition. The research on key factors in OPCON transition firstly implemented literature research and then increased feasibility through additional use of AHP. The analysis results showed that there was a negative effect for Korean Peninsular Defense in the 'ROK-US Alliance Asymmetry' area, a positive effect to increase ROK-led Capability of Theater Operation in the 'ROK and U.S. Alliance Interdependence' area and a positive effect for Invocation of ROK Self-Defense Power in the 'Interests of Participatory Government's Liberal Regime' area respectively. After applying AHP, "ROK exercise of Self-defense" in the 'Interests of Participatory Government's Liberal Regime' area received the highest assessment, while the "Increasement of North Korea's Threat" in the 'ROK-US Alliance Asymmetry' area received the lowest assessment. This study is meaningful in that it analyzed the key military and political factors in the Participatory Government's resolution of Wartime OPCON Transition using AHP.

• Journal of Digital Convergence
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• v.12 no.7
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• pp.37-47
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• 2014

This study applies Policy Streams and Expert Group Standing Change Framework (PSECF) proposed by SangJung Park and Chan KOH to analyze the Roh's Participatory government's decision making process on the wartime Operational Control (OPCON) transition. PSECF case study's results are as follows: Strong commitments of the former president Roh Moohyun and the progressive National Security Committee (NSC) were primary drivers in the policy developing process. But military expert groups such as the Ministry of National Defense (MND) and the Joint Chiefs of Staffs (JCS) were thoroughly excluded due to their passive role against the wartime OPCON transition. After the policy resolution, the standing of expert groups changed: the standing of advocate effects, the former progressive NSC who led the wartime OPCON transition in the Roh's Participatory government, went down but the conservatives such as ROK MND and JCS improve their standing because the conservative government kicks off 8 months later from the policy decision. In conclusion, the proposed PSECF through the Roh's Participatory government's case-study is worthy as an explanatory framework for high level national policies.

• Proceedings of the Military Operations Research Society of Korea Conference
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• 2007.03a
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• pp.118-140
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• 2007

• Journal of Digital Convergence
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• v.10 no.11
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• pp.47-58
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• 2012

This study selects political and military decision factors of Participatory Government's Wartime Operational Control(OPCON) Transition and analyzes, both quantitatively and qualitatively, the effects and relations between those factors. Previous research utilizing the Analytic Hierarchy Process(AHP) selected their decision factors based on academic data and field experience, requiring more objective analysis of the factors. For this study, we conducted a survey among security subject matter experts(SME) both online and offline. The results show that OPCON transition's decision factors were to 'recover military sovereignty', 'set the conditions for peaceful reunification' and 'improve ROK image through enhancing national power' which differs little from the previous AHP method studies. It also showed that 'recover military sovereignty' and 'set the conditions for peaceful reunification' had no relationship to each other and that the key factor that decided the OPCON Transition was actually 'recover military sovereignty' which represents the interest of the liberal party in ROK. This study finds its meaning by analyzing the decision factors of Participartory Government's OPCON Transition thorugh Delphi and DEMATEL method.

• Bulletin of the Korean Space Science Society
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• 2009.10a
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• pp.25.5-26
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• 2009

인류의 활동 무대가 우주공간으로 확대됨으로써 우주기상에 의한 피해를 최소화 할 수 있는 조치가 요구됨에 따라 우주기상에 대한 감시 및 예 경보 업무가 필요해 졌다. 미국은 이미 우주기상 감시와 예보의 필요성을 인식하고 해양대기청(NOAA), 미 공군(USAF), 항공우주국(NASA), 내무부(DOI), 에너지부(DOE), 과학재단(NSF)이 연합하여 1996년 국가우주기상 프로그램(National Space Weather Program)을 수립.추진하고 있다. 특히 정부연구 기관인 NOAA 산하 우주기상예보센터(Space Weather Prediction Center; SWPC)와 미 공군 기상국(AFWA)은 우주기상 자료 생산, 수집, 자료 센터 운용, 연구 지원 및 예 경보 업무를 공동으로 수행하고 있으며 관련 자료 및 정보의 교환 등 매우 밀접하게 상호협력하고 있다. 최근 정부는 과학기술 7대 중점투자 분야별 중점육성후보기술로서 우주감시체계개발기술을 포함한 국가과학기술기본계획(577전략)을 수립 발표하였으며, 대한민국 공군은 향후 우주군 창설을 목표로 우주전력 기반체계구축을 계획하고 있다. 국방부는 2012년 전시작전통제권 환수에 대비한 독자적인 작전지휘능력 확보가 필요한 상황이며, 미래의 한국군 독자적 네트웍 중심 전장(NCW: Network Central Warfare) 체계 구축을 위해서는 미 공군의 "우주기상작전센터"와 같은 우주기상 예 경보 체계 구축이 요구된다. 이 연구에서는 군의 독자적 우주작전능력 확보를 위한 우주기상 예 경보 체계 구축 방향을 제시하고자 사전기반 연구를 수행하였다. 그 내용으로 우주기상에 대한 개요 및 우주기상의 변화에 따른 국내외 영향을 조사하고 국내외 우주기상 예 경보 시스템을 소개하고자 한다. 또한, 미공군의 우주기상 활용 상태를 점검하여 한국 공군을 위한 우주기상 예 경보 체계 구축 및 인력과 기술 확보에 대한 방안을 제시하고자 한다.

• Journal of the Korea Academia-Industrial cooperation Society
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• v.11 no.9
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• pp.3271-3276
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• 2010

Preparing to reclaim the wartime operational control of South Korea's armed forces, Korea Military have to embattle the right capability in relation to conduct of the war. Although Korea Military are operating Joint Exercise Simulation Training System, they are having a lot of difficulties because of interoperability according to a joint exercise with USA military and pursue an independent korea military models. Therefore this study analyzes technical problems and proposes some measures to establish Exercise Simulation System out of regard for South Korea's self defense.

• Convergence Security Journal
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• v.20 no.4
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• pp.143-151
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• 2020

The cyber battlefield called the fifth battlefield, is not based on geological information unlike the existing traditional battlefiels in the land, sea, air and space, and has a characteristics that all information has tightly coupled correlation to be anlayized. Because the cyber battlefield has created by the network connection of computers located on the physical battlefield, it is not completely seperated from the geolocational information but it has dependency on network topology and software's vulnerabilities. Therefore, the analysis for cyber battlefield should be provided in a form that can recognize information from multiple domains at a glance, rather than a single geographical or logical aspect. In this paper, we describe a study on the development of the cyber operation COP(Common Operational Picture), which is essential for command and control in the cyber warfare. In particular, we propose an architecure for cyber operation COP to intuitively display information based on visualization techniques applying the multi-layering concept from multiple domains that need to be correlated such as cyber assets, threats, and missions. With this proposed cyber operation COP with multi-layered visualization that helps to describe correlated information among cyber factors, we expect the commanders actually perfcrm cyber command and control in the very complex and unclear cyber battlefield.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.57
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• pp.109-136
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• 2012

This research analyzed the news coverage of controversy over Korean resumption of Wartime Operational Control from the United States in 2006, trying to find various narrative frames and their relevance to the characters of journalistic interpretive communities. Three competitive frames emerged: Self-national defense and peace making, Balance of self-national defense and the Korea-US alliance, and Priority of the Korea-U.S. alliance and national security. Journalistic discourses were also analyzed through the in-depth interviews of 14 journalists from three interpretive communities. The results revealed that competitions of narrative frames reflected the tensed relationship among political power blocs, each representing the liberal, moderate, or conservative camp of Korean society, and preference of journalistic practices such as objective journalism to advocacy journalism. Finally, inferences were made that the clashes among interpretive authorities, existing behind the competition of news frames, restrained public deliberations on a critical incident regarding national security by blocking up the reasoned news coverage of political controversy.