• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.57
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• pp.137-159
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• 2012

This is a dissertation about the state and cable television industry relationship during the early days of Kim Dae-Jung administration(1998.2-2000.1) in Korea. This study adopted historical approach and methodology of archival research. Offe's state theories of reproduction of late capitalism and the concept of Korean patriarchal state-led capitalism were suggested in this paper. Offe argued that the goal of the late capitalist state is successful capital accumulation and democratic legitimation with bureaucratic rationalization. For this purpose, the state intervenes market structuring by various plans and national policies. The Kim Dae-Jung administration reorganized cable television market with neo-liberalistic strategies and corporatist forms of policy-making. The government negotiated capitalists and civil society for managing capitalistic economy and cable television market in a horizontal relationship. Successful consequences of the market growth resulted in generating mass loyalty. The former administrations to the contrary, invisibly arranged state-led capitalism was an only alternative to the Kim Dae-Jung administration. The Korean state-led capitalism evolved gradually into different forms.

• Journal of the Economic Geographical Society of Korea
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• v.16 no.3
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• pp.408-422
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• 2013

This paper builds on recent scholarly endeavours to establish a body of knowledge on Varieties of Asian Capitalism/Asian Business Systems. The forthcoming Oxford handbook of Asian business systems systematically compares institutional capitalist arrangements across Asia including Laos, yet there is no chapter on Cambodia. The objective of this paper is to compare the Lao and Cambodian varieties of Asian capitalism, with special reference to the role of the state and the economic geography of both countries. Accordingly, it seeks answers to the questions as to how territory has become a key arena for re-organising economic power and how the Lao and Cambodian state themselves are being transformed through state capitalism and the Beijing-Seoul-Tokyo Consensus. A comparative analysis reveals a difference between state-coordinated frontier capitalism in Laos versus patrimonial oligarchy in Cambodia. Interdependencies between the market and the state in Laos display the state as active and interventionist. In some provinces the central government leaves decision making to provincial elites contributing to the emergence of other distinctive regional varieties of capitalism. The rising spatially less selective oligarchs in Cambodia focus relatively more on markets, but are certainly not seeking free markets with equal entry opportunities. The findings offer interesting possibilities for further research on the spaces of Asian capitalism, both from an empirical and theoretical perspective. More work should be done to accommodate the role of small and medium enterprises and theories need to better integrate oligarchic, personal and familial capitalism. Finally, comparative corridor studies in Laos could lead to better insights into the nature of regional varieties of capitalism.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.29 no.3
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• pp.281-296
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• 1994

It is generally accepted that there is always a potential for crisis in the capitalist society because of the internal contradiction of capitalism. The contradiction is explicitly and implicitly expressed in space. The fundamental contradiction in capitalism, however, is controlled and mediated by the state (i.e., the capitalist state). We thus could argue that the state plays an important role in the capitalist society and in the capitalist spatial formation. It is necessary to note how and why spatial structure has developed unevenly in capitalist societies, particularly in the U.S., The general concept of uneven geographical development is understood in the context of the capitalist economic system and the role of the state. But the problem is that the capitalist state itself has a contradiction between the productive function (i.e., accumulation function) and the reproductive function (i.e., legitimation function). The compromise of the two functions is always the dilemma of the state and the state becomes the object of class struggle (e.g., political class struggle) . The research questions are as follows. First, what is the role of the state in the economic structure and what is the internal problem of the state\ulcorner Second, what is the role of the state in space economy (or in spatial structure)\ulcorner And last, what is the relation between the federal state and the local state in the U.S. and how does the relation form the urban policies and thus the urban and regional development\ulcorner The paper will be looking at how the political economy in the U.S. explains unevenly developed geographical phenomenon.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.50 no.1
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• pp.73-90
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• 2015

This article focuses on geo-institutional differentiation and a multi-scalar analysis of emerging capitalist development in Laos. It discusses the impact of the Greater Mekong Subregion on new institutional economic and economic geographical arrangements. It demonstrates the usefulness of the varieties of Asian capitalism approach. The rubber industry was chosen to unravel emerging but various sub-national institutional arrangements linked to higher scale levels. Rubber is a growing agribusiness industry throughout the country, led by the insatiable demand from China. Overall, this study shows that the capitalist development of the rubber industry features much geo-institutional differentiation, due to the different strategies of Chinese, Thai and Vietnamese investors. Since Laos is still in transition from a state-led economy to something else, it is impossible at this to identify the exact number capitalisms. Yet, the evidence on rubber clearly lays bare the presence of multiple institutional arrangements. Without more inclusiveness, however, the implications for regional development are worrying. Exclusive arrangements will most likely lead to more uneven regional development and higher regional inequality. To refine theories on sub-national varieties of capitalism in developing countries it is instructive to consider more explicitly the notion of regional personal capitalisms and the complex interplay between national and regional states and relationships between capital accumulation and livelihood analyses.

• The Magazine of the IEIE
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• v.19 no.3
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• pp.6-10
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• 1992

정보산업분야는 자본주의 시장경제의 발전이 고도화될수록 전체 산업에서 차지하는 비중이 커지고 있는 한편 기술 및 산업의 전략적 중요성으로 인하여 국가 이기주의에 바탕을 둔 기술보호 장벽은 높아만 가고 있다. 또한 정보화의 진전에 비례하여 세계 정보기술 시장에서의 우위를 확보하기 위한 국가간 기술경쟁과 아울러 국가를 초월한 전략적 동맹도 빠른 템포로 진행되고 있다. 이러한 변화에 대응하기 위하여 정부가 최근 추진중에 있는 G-7 프로젝트 사업추진현황을 설명하고 '92년도 과학기술처에서 추진할 예정으로 있는 정보산업분야의 기술개발 계획을 소개하고자 한다.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.28 no.1
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• pp.1-20
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• 2018

Southeast Asia witnessed a paradox of political stagnation and economic development in 2017. The 'dual order' of security dependence on America and economic dependence on China was sustained in East Asia. In this regard, Southeast Asia of two faces was quite similar to broader East Asia. On one hand, the old socialist group with totalitarian nostalgia lurked in the buffer zone between totalitarianism and authoritarianism, while the original capitalist group under democratic disguise roamed in the gray zone between authoritarianism and democracy. On the other, the old socialist group with the legacy of the planned economy succumbed to the temptation of the Beijing Consensus on state capitalism, while the original capitalist group with the myth of the market economy was exposed to the pressure of the Washington Consensus on liberal capitalism. The ASEAN Community representing the regional integration of Southeast Asia was caught in the strategic predicament of a looming 'new cold war' between the continental and maritime powers.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.21
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• pp.162-191
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• 1993

• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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• v.8 no.2
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• pp.170-183
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• 2002

Recently it is supposed to be a shift to regional geography. To understand the emergence of the new regional geography, It must be remarked that the progress of capitalist production and consumption change our conceptional apparatus such as representation of space. Region is one of the important mode of representations of space and time. In the Fordist capitalism of 20th century, development is regarded as diffusion of capitalist expansion of western worlds. State must support capitalist growth through regional policies which include constructing of infrastructure and regionalization of spatial division of labour. The regional development theories contributed as ideology and policy tools for state intervention. The region was simply one of the most logical classification tools of organizing geographical informations. In the theories of regional development, the concept of region was reduced to the formal unit of classification. As the transition from Fordism to flexible accumulation, the region is again acquiring its 'identity' and 'authenticity'. In this tendency of the revival of region, it is expected that good achievement could be made in the field of regional geography through relevant research methods. It is also believed one of the available means are historical approaches to the cultural and ecological regions. The historical approaches to cultural and ecological regions are not only correspondent with cultural development strategies of local governments, but also could convey regional identities through both narrativization of place and aestheticization of landscape.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.80
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• pp.7-39
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• 2016

This essay deals with the bulk of problems of media raised by social inequality. I attempted to examine the relationship between inequality and media/information. In adopting the method of political economy based on dialectical viewpoint, I argue that collaboration among Chaebol, media, power result in the media capitalism. This mode of production has brought about the decline of public service and democracy. It led the Korean industrial capitalism to media capitalism. This mechanism is a dominant but unfair system with grasping of wealth, power, information. The media capitalism, based on profit, privatizations, power monopoly, remains democracy and public service in retreat. Chaebol-media-power complex plays an important role in cementing the establishment. We are reminded how much the dominant system has deteriorated the public interests of the media market and information.

• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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• v.23 no.2
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• pp.288-310
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• 2017

This paper aims to provide a conceptual framework to see the special zones in East Asia in relation to the territorialities of the state. For this, it will introduce Aihwa Ong's notion of 'spaces of exception', and provide some critical discussions on it. Unlike Ong, I do not see the spaces of exception as an outcome of neoliberal changes of the state. Instead, I propose to see the special zones in terms of the internal limitations of the modern state territoriality. In particular, I try to theorize the special zones in relation to the dialectics of the contradictory relations between mobility and fixity inherent in the territoriality of the modern nation state. In addition, it will be suggested to see special zones as an essential part of the spatiality of the East Asian developmental states, given the spatio-temporal contexts of the East Asian capitalist development. On the basis of these theoretical discussions, this paper will divide the special zones that have been developed in East Asia since the 1960s into 3 different types, including 1) developmentalist special zones, 2) neo-liberal special zones, and 3) special zones for transition, and discuss their characteristics.