• Title/Summary/Keyword: 인용된

Search Result 1,778, Processing Time 0.028 seconds

A Study on Cold Damage(傷寒) in the Compendium of Prescription from the Countryside(鄕藥集成方) - Focusing on citation, medical theory, prescription, medicinal herbs - (조선 의서 『향약집성방』 중에 실린 상한(傷寒) 논의 연구 - 인용 문헌, 의론(醫論), 처방, 본초 등을 중심으로 -)

  • Oh, Chae-Kun
    • The Journal of Korean Medical History
    • /
    • v.25 no.2
    • /
    • pp.121-136
    • /
    • 2012
  • The purpose of this paper is to derive the features of cold damage clinical medicine during the early days of the Chosun(朝鮮) period by analyzing discussions on cold damage published in the official medical book of the Chosun period, Compendium of Prescription from the Countryside(鄕藥集成方, CPC). Cold damage was one of the typical diseases in East Asia where there was constant seeking of the utilization of prescriptions, ways of preparations, and awareness regarding cold damage as shown in Zhang, Zhongjing(張仲景)'s Treatise on Cold Damage Disease(傷寒論, TCDD) below. Traditional Korean medicine which possessed the medical universality of East Asia also was no exception and through an analysis of the part on cold damage in CPC, it is expected that medical features of cold damage in Korea passed down from the Koryo(高麗) Dynasty to the early Chosun period will be revealed. For this, first there needs to be an organization of past discussions on cold damage surrounding the existence of infection and after checking the issues, exploring which of the writings related to TCDD and editions are being utilized through an analysis on citing literature of Cold Damage Disease Literature(傷寒門) and Heat Pathogen Disease Literature(熱病門) which have developed discussions on cold damage in CPC. In addition, by comparing Peaceful Holy Benevolent Prescription(太平聖惠方, PHBP) and Complete Record of Sacred Benevolence(聖濟總錄, CRSB), known to have greatly influenced CPC and Cold Damage Literature and Heat Pathogen Disease Literature, features of form and content used by CPC were analyzed. Features of form were examined through pattern of organization and number of citing literature were examined and for features of content, cold damage infection, classification, syndrome differentiation method, and utilization of materia medica among prescriptions were examined. Discussions on cold damage as being uninfectious as stated in Treatise on the Pathogenesis and Manifestations of All Diseases(諸病源候論) unlike pestilence, epidemic pathogen(時氣), warm pathogen disease(溫病), and heat pathogen disease were excluded in PHBP. PHBP opened the possibility of cold damage infection and later writings, CRSB and CPC also follow this. As a result of analyzing citing literature of the part on cold damage in CPC, it is uncertain which edition of TCDD is being utilized; however, the most distinctive feature was that Classified Emergency Materia Medica(證類本草) and not writings specializing in cold damage are in use. In general, although CPC in terms of form is similar to CRSB, content creation predominantly depended on PHBP. More specifically; first, in terms of the existence of cold damage infection, arguments of PHBP and CRSB are maintained. Second, in terms of cold damage classification, although CRSB is followed, heat pathogen disease is classified separately developing PHBP as is. Third, in terms of method, as Book of Keep Healthy(南陽活人書) and CRSB compiled in later times are cited, it is deemed that arguments were raised to a certain extent regarding six-meridian syndrome differentiation(六經辨證). Fourth, although the majority of utilized materia medica among cold damage prescriptions utilize Materia Medica from the Countryside(鄕藥本草) in CPC and materia medica from Korean Peninsula, this is due to the desire for the compilation performance of CPC to be propagated to ordinary citizens and not the ruling class. CPC as the official medical book compiled in the early days of the Chosun period was greatly influenced by the Song(宋) Dynasty's medical books, PHBP and CRSB shows that cold damage medicine in the early Chosun Period indeed possesses the medical universality of East Asia. Furthermore, the features of published medical theory and prescriptions reveal the existence of the cold damage medical tradition of the Chosun period serving as clues for cold damage research tradition among Korea's medical history.

Chutzu's Theory of Human Mind and Moral Mind (주자(朱子)의 인심도심설(人心道心說))

  • Cheon, Hyun-hee
    • The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
    • /
    • no.31
    • /
    • pp.289-319
    • /
    • 2011
  • Chutzu has established a theory of human mind and moral mind(人心道心說) by quoting the key of cultivation of mind comprised of sixteen letters(十六字心法) to a preface of Zhongyong(中庸章句序) and making comments on the key. Chutzu's theory of human mind and moral mind explains the supervision of mind that materializes chung-ho(中和), which is the core theme of Zhongyong(中庸). Supervision of mind is completed by consciousness. Chutzu defines consciousness as 'preparing the principle(理) and practicing the emotion(情)'. So, consciousness derives the reaction from the principle(理) in order to respond to the external stimulation. By being conscious, mind(心) reveals original nature(性) into emotion(情). An aspect that mind(心) keeps original nature prior to the external stimulation is un-awakened(未發). Once stimulation occurs, mind(心) becomes conscious of the principle which is proper to the situation. In sympathetic situation, sympathetic emotion is revealed by being conscious of benevolence(仁). In judgment situation, the emotion which judges right or wrong is revealed by being conscious of wisdom(智). An aspect of revealing the proper emotion relevant to the situation is wakened(已發). Mind(心) keeps all the original nature of benevolence, righteousness, propriety, wisdom(仁義禮智). It supervises original nature and emotion, and reveals chung-ho(中和) by being conscious of the proper principle(理). Moral mind must supervise to accomplish chung-ho(中和), and gewuzhizhi(格物致知) must be done first to enhance the supervision of moral mind. By establishing a theory of human mind and moral mind(人心道心說), Chutzu completes a theory of mind that covers both theories of chung-ho(中和說) and gewuzhizhi(格物致知說).

A Study on the Improvement of Security Terminology (경호・경비 용어의 개선방안)

  • Kim, Hong Seong
    • Korean Security Journal
    • /
    • no.57
    • /
    • pp.231-252
    • /
    • 2018
  • we have long used foreign words in using the term for guard security despite the obvious existence of own language, the use of foreign terms is strong in foreign feeling in delivery. and also weakens the true meaning of security. there are no terms expressed independently in korean, and we(they) are negligent in finding them and use the terms of foreign language. as a result, we(they) brought about a lack of choice in terms of proper security for our langage. currenty, it is widely used as a security guard even though there is an appropraite word that corresponds to the meaning and meaning of security guards in our words, we still use enlish expressions. there is because the English language is used for convenience regardless of weather the term is appropraite or not, and as the power of the English language is great amid in the trend of globalization. lt is easy to use english without thinking in terms of the use of terminology. ultimitely, however, this is due to the lack of awareness of the korean language. with these reasons, we must find the term of security guards in pure korean language. until now, we have used the terms 'guard, security, protect' as the terms security and protection the term 'Jikim' refers to the korean language as a means to be vigilant and guarded. Jikim refers to the action of maintaining the current safe state. Like school jikimi, children safety jikimi and environment jikimi, Jikim is already being used in many places. Therefore, the term 'guard' should be changed to an appropriate Korean term, and the term 'Jikim' is considered to be the most appropriate term in various sections. so, 'Jikim' will be appropriate in korean, which corresponds to the meaning of security guards. the guardian here is called the Jikimi. Jikimi is a combination of the word Jikim and the korean pronounce 'I' which means people

Benthic Macroinvertebrate Community Changes after Impoundment of Yeongju dam in Korea (영주댐 담수 이후 저서성 대형무척추동물 군집변화)

  • An, Chae-Hui;Han, Jung-Soo;Choi, Jun-Kil;Lee, Hwang-Goo
    • Korean Journal of Environment and Ecology
    • /
    • v.33 no.5
    • /
    • pp.515-524
    • /
    • 2019
  • The purpose of this study is to investigate the effects of artificial disturbance by analyzing and comparing the survey data of the Yeongju dam located in Yeongju-si, Gyeongbuk before and after impoundment. We surveyed four sites between the downstream of sediment control to the downstream of Yeongju Dam four times between April and October 2018. The macroinvertebrate data before the survey were gathered from the literature. The total number of benthic macroinvertebrates we observed was $35,037ind./m^2$, including 77 species, 48 families, 14 orders, 7 classes, and 3 phyla. The result of the community analysis showed that the dominant index increased from 0.44(${\pm}0.11$) before impoundment to 0.62(${\pm}0.16$) after impoundment. The diversity index increased from 2.26(${\pm}0.30$) to 1.75(${\pm}0.45$), the evenness index from 0.75(${\pm}0.10$) to 0.66(${\pm}0.14$), and the richness index from 3.11(${\pm}0.98$) to 2.25(${\pm}0.81$). The most dominant species changed from Hydropsychidae spp. to Chironomidae sp. The result of the Principal Components Analysis (PCA) based on Axis 1 showed that the sites of 2014 and Hydropsychidae spp. had a negative value, while the sites of 2018 and Chironomidae sp. had a positive value. In all study sites, the dominance increased while the diversity decreased. The community change was the largest in St. 2. The results of the functional group analysis showed that the scrapers increased while gathering-collectors increased among the functional feeding group and that the clingers decreased while borrows increased among the habitat oriented group. The Benthic Macroinvertebrate Streambed Index (BMSI) decreased from an average of 57.1(${\pm}8.0$, C class) to an average of 30.0(${\pm}12.1$, C class). St. 3 and St. 4, in particular, showed a high reduction rate.

A Study on the Oxy-Combustion of the Coal in Drop Tube Furnace (Drop Tube Furnace에서 석탄의 순산소 연소 특성)

  • Roh, Seon Ah;Yun, Jin Han;Lee, Jung Kyu;Keel, Sang In;Min, Tai Jin;Kim, Sang-Bok;Park, In-Yong;Han, Bangwoo;Kim, Jin-Tae
    • Clean Technology
    • /
    • v.27 no.4
    • /
    • pp.367-371
    • /
    • 2021
  • The oxy-combustion system is one of the carbon recovery and storage technologies (CCS: Carbon capture & storage) that performs coal combustion using pure oxygen and recirculated flue gas. This is a technology that facilitates storage of carbon dioxide by generating an exhaust gas consisting of only carbon dioxide without a process of separating carbon dioxide and nitrogen when coal is burned using pure oxygen and recirculated flue gas mixture instead of a conventional air combustion system that produces carbon dioxide and nitrogen mixed exhaust gas. In this study, the characteristics of generated NO and SO2 as atmospheric pollutants during oxy-combustion were examined using O2/CO2 mixed simulation gas. The reaction temperature was varied from 900 ℃ to 1200 ℃ and oxygen partial pressure was varied from 30% to 50%. The results showed that NO and SO2 concentrations in flue gas increased as the oxygen concentration and the reaction temperature in the furnace increased. The partial pressure of CO2 in flue gas also increased as the oxygen concentration and the reaction temperature in the furnace increased. As a results of comparing NO production of 30% O2/CO2 oxy-combustion with air combustion, NO in flue gas increased with reaction temperature in both experiments and NO of oxy-combustion was 40 ~ 80 ppm lower than that of air combustion.

Measurement of Verticality and Joint Gaps of a Near-surface Disposal Facility Vault Through a Mock-up Test for Fill-up Stages (표층처분시설 처분고의 목업테스트를 통한 채움단계별 수직도 및 이음부 벌어짐 측정)

  • Choi, Dong-Ho;Ann, Ki-Yong;Choi, In-Yong;Lee, Hyuk-Jin
    • Journal of the Korean Recycled Construction Resources Institute
    • /
    • v.9 no.4
    • /
    • pp.537-544
    • /
    • 2021
  • In order to describe the fill-up stages of a near-surface disposal facility vault, a mock-up test is performed, and its behavior during the fil l -up stages is investigated. On an in-site concrete foundation with a l ength of 6600mm, a width of 6600mm and a thickness of 400mm, a reinforced concrete disposal vaul t is manufactured with 4 precast (PC) corner wal l s and 8 PC side wal l s. 36 wasted drums are pl aced on the 1st fl oor in 6 by 6, and then the empty space is fil l ed with grout fil l er. These processes are repeated up to the 5th floor, and the verticality and the joint gaps are measured for each fill-up stage. The verticality is measured using a level at 6 positions on each side wall (3 positions on the left and right sides, respectivel y), i.e. a total of 24 positions on the 4 side wal l s. The joint gaps are measured at 9 positions on each side wal l (3 positions on the left, center and right sides, respectively), I.e. a total 36 positions on the 4 side walls. To measure the joint gaps, crack tips are installed on the left and right sides of every joint gap, and vernier calipers are used. The measured verticality obtained through the mock-up test was found to be ±0.1° based on the initial stage (ST0), and the result of the joint gap was up to 0.38mm. This appears to have a negligible effect on the structure.

A problem of authenticity in the chapter 'Confucius became aged, and liked "The Book of Changes"' of yao 要, "essentials," seen throughout 『帛書周易』 the Mawangdui Boshu Zhouyi Manuscript. -in relation to Confucius and 『易』"The Changes"- (『백서주역(帛書周易)』 「요(要)」의 '부자노이호역(夫子老而好易)'장의 진위(眞僞) 문제 -공자와 『역』의 관계를 중심으로-)

  • Kim, Sang-sup
    • Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
    • /
    • v.129
    • /
    • pp.1-22
    • /
    • 2014
  • Columns 12-18 record a conversation between an aged Confucius and his disciple Zi Gong concerning the Changes and especially the role of divination in its use. The last section, from the bottom of column 24, concerns the hexagrams Sun損, "Decrease," and Yi益, "Increase," which Confucius is here made to regard as the culmination of wisdom in the Zhouyi. The conversation between Confucius and Zi Gong, and especially Zi Gong's apparent misunderstanding of Confucius's interest in the text, has already attracted considerable scholarly interest. Zi Gong criticizes Confucius for changing his teaching about the importance of the Zhouyi and for performing divinations. Confucius responds that while he does indeed perform divinations. there is a major difference between his use of the text and that of others: he regards the I Ching as a repository of an ancient wisdom. This would seem to signal recognition of a dramatic change in the function and status of the text. Zi Gong said: "Does the Master also believe in milfoil divination?" The Master said: "I am right in only seventy out of one hundred prognostications. Even with the prognostications of Liangshan of Zhou one necessarily follows it most of the time and no more." The Master said: "As for the Changes, I do indeed put its prayers and divinations last, only observing its virtue and property. Intuiting the commendations to reach the number, and understanding the number to reach virtue, is to have humaneness and to put it into motion properly. If the commendation do not lead to the number, then merely acts as a magician; if the number does not lead to virtue, then one merely acts as a scribe. The divinations of scribes and magicians tend toward it but are not yet there; delight in it but are not correct. Perhaps it will be because of the Changes that sires of later generations will doubt me. I seek its virtue and nothing more. I am on the same road as the scribes and magicians but end up differently. The conduct of the gentleman's virtue is to seek blessings; that is why he sacrifices, but little; the righteousness of his humaneness is to seek auspiciousness; that is why he divines, but rarely. Do not the divinations of priest and magicians come last!" Although Confucius says two ways of the symbolic numbers and virtue-property, he emphasizes his way of virtue and property more important. In fact he who wrote in Yao 要, "essentials," Confucius's saying describes his own viewpoints of the Changes throughout the conversations between Confucius and his disciple Zi Gong, and is only to borrow the name of Confucius. Furthermore, quoting the original text in Yao 要, "essentials," in sequence, also comparing the materials of "the Analects of Confucius論語," with "the Shih chi史記," this thesis will be centered to a great extent on the relative similarity and differences between the Mawangdui Boshu Zhouyi Manuscript and the received text, and discussed the authencity of Yao 要, "essentials," of the contents shown in the chapter of 'Confucius became aged, and liked "The Book of Changes."' the relation of Confucius and the Changes will be clarified naturally through this progress.

The Structure of Trans-Culture and the 'Emperor of Civilization' ('횡단문화론'의 구조와 '문명천황론'의 문제)

  • Gong, JianZe;Jun, SungKon
    • Cross-Cultural Studies
    • /
    • v.46
    • /
    • pp.435-463
    • /
    • 2017
  • This paper aims to identify the structural characteristics of Okawa Syumei(大川周明), Wakamiya Unosuke(若宮卯之助) and Okakura Tensin(岡倉天心). In fact, after Okawa Syumei studied the Principles of Wakamiya Unosuke and Okakura Tensin, he derived a conclusion and wrote a book named "yeolseongjeon". This book talks about the emperor dynasty. Based on this, the theory presented by Wakamiya Unosuke and Okakura Tensin described the characteristics of the East European culture. Okakura Tensin crossed the western part and discovered that western culture is only western culture and not a universal culture. Western culture has developed from its own experience. Wakamiya Unosuke translated a book by William Knox, The spirt of the orient. They have the same point of view, but they have a different culture and they must follow their own culture. Okakura Tensin insisted that culture is dynamic and it improves by adapting different cultures of different countries. Wakamiya appealed and he opposed Tensin's studies about culture. Wakamiya's definition of culture has not changed or is fixed from the past, which still exists in the modern times. Culture must be cultivated and it must be introduced to people who have forgotten their own culture. Despite such methodological differences, the commonality between Okakura and Wakamiya is that Western civilization is nothing more than a regional culture, as the West is not a universal civilization, but as a whole, it is a regional culture. Okawa Syumei learned the Okakura and Wakamiya's theory about culture and derived a conclusion. He stated that both opinions are correct as culture can be adapted as explained by Okakura. For example, Japanese people are now adapting and embracing the culture of Chinese people and Indian people. On the other hand, he also learned Wakamiya Unosuke's theory that culture does not change. Japanese have their own culture that was created in the past or it was developed by their ancestors; for example, the emperor dynasty. Okawa Syumei learned different cultures of different countries and Japanese people are adapting those cultures, and Wakamiya stated that the emperor dynasty must be instilled and it must be universal. Japanese emperors have different cultures, especially the Meiji emperor who is willing to accept different cultures of different countries. Finally, he claimed that the emperor dynasty created a new Japanese civilization and they are now embracing the new adapted culture.

A Study on the Space Organization and Garden Language of Mongsimjae in Namwon (남원 몽심재(夢心齋)의 정원구성과 조형언어 해석)

  • Rho, Jae-hyun;Choi, Yung-hyun;Shin, Sang-sup
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
    • /
    • v.47 no.1
    • /
    • pp.32-45
    • /
    • 2014
  • In this study, the characteristics of Mongsimjae in Namwon-si, Jeollabuk-do have been researched focusing on the writings engraved in huge stones and rocks of pavilion standing beside a lotus pond and its formative languages in the garden has been interpreted as follows. Name of pavilion(堂號) Mongsimjae(夢心齋) includes a classical scholar's spirit, refusing to serve two kings and homecoming after resignation from a government office(歸去來) of Songam(松菴) Park Moonsu(朴門壽), an ancestor who has brought to the Juksan(竹山) Park's family again. A pavilion standing beside a lotus pond(蓮塘) built in the reception garden is a gardening facility symbolizing 'Yeondang(蓮堂)' Park Dongsik(朴東式) who built Mongsimjae. The bamboo hill connected to the backyard seems to be relevant to 'Juksan', the family clan of Mongsimjae's owner and this kinds of intention can be found in the bamboos in the outer garden naturally led to inside the garden through the flower beds. The purpose for the western arrangement of the main building and gate contrary to the 'chukjwamihyaug'(丑坐未向; a direction toward to the south-southwest) of the prospect of Sarangchae(guesthouse) is interpreted to naturally attract people's eyes to the pavilion standing beside a lotus pond and to mitigate the sense of closure resulting from the huge stones located in the reception garden. Also the writing engraved in the three huge stones, 'Jonsimdae(存心臺)', implies that it is a place where was selected with heart by Juksan Park family who settled down in Homsil, Namwon after 'Haengchon(杏村) Park Jaryang(朴子良)' in Yiphyangjo(入鄕祖), Namwon and 'Jeongwa(靖窩)' is interpreted as a signature representing that it is the most comfortable house where Jeongwa Park Haechang(朴海昌: 1876~1933), the third owner of Mongsimjae, has lived. The pavilion standing beside a lotus pond of the 'Bangjibangdo(方池方島; square pond and square island)' type has no lotus for now and waterside cornerstones roughly piled with broken stones naturally mitigate the slope. There are two water inflows gathering rainwater in the reception garden other than the water inflow of valley and the upper-side water inflow was built using a high waterfall method. The middle island cut into a square was designed to use in two ways, as 'island' or 'steppingstone', according to the water level and the old name of the pavilion standing beside a lotus pond was revealed as 'Cheonundam(天雲潭)' from the engraved writing located in the side of the middle island. In addition, 'Imni(臨履)', engraved writing in the finishing stone of waterside by citing a line of 'Sigyeong(詩經)', implies 'Be a upright classical scholar who pays close attention to one's own behaviors' and 'Jeongchuk(渟?)' is interpreted as a message that desires the eternal staying of the Juksan Park family's wealth. Ultimately, the writings engraved in the huge stones and rocks of the pavilion standing beside a lotus pond are interpreted as a symbol language that wishes the heaven protects and maintains the wealth of the Juksan Park family who is the owner of Mongsimjae.

The Fieldwork of Sinawi and the Establishment of Musical Theory in the Late 20th Century (20세기 후반기 시나위의 현장 조사와 음악이론의 성립)

  • Choi, Sun-A
    • (The) Research of the performance art and culture
    • /
    • no.34
    • /
    • pp.355-382
    • /
    • 2017
  • In this study, pieces of statements of sinawi successors, which served the ground of sinawi theory of Lee(that are found only in reports and theses) were searched from notebooks or cassette tapes of Lee. Then, this study tried to trace the process that the theory of sinawi was established based on the fieldwork of sinawi and relevant data, and to shed light on the significance. With the understanding from the early days that life of minsokak can be found in musical scenes in the region, Lee wandered around the scenes of minsokak(folk music) in the nation, recorded minsokak, and collected dialogues with successors of minsokak with about 2,000 cassette tapes and 300 notebooks. Especially, in the fieldwork data on sinawi that Lee possesses contain dialogues with the newly found sinawi successors that Lee found in the scene of sinawi in Gyeonggido province, Jeollado province, and Gyeongsangdo province over numerous visits for over 20 years from the early 1970s. Sometimes the record includes improvised sinawi performance. As the fieldwork of sinawi by Lee was conducted comparatively early, there are a lot of testimonies of successors who remember the sinawi scene of the past. Using these data, Lee published theories related to sinawi on reports and theses. His representative thesis is about 'Sinawi Chung'(1979). After listening to the testimony of Younghee Ji, the master of Gyeonggi haegeum sinawi in his first fieldwork of sinawi, he started his research on sinawi chung of piri, daegeum, and haegeum in Gyeonggido province and Honam area. Based on the testimonies on sinawi chung of 11 sinawi successors, Lee published 'Sinawi Chung'. In 1987, he extended the scope his research to sinawi-kwon(圈), which includes Gyeongnam area, found 12 new sinawi successors in Gyeonggi, Honam, and Gyeongnam areas, and based on their testimonies, complemented the theory of sinawi chung and published it. Fortunately, most of the dialogues with sinawi successors quoted in his reports or theses are recorded in his notebooks or cassette tapes. When these data are released, it is expected that a new theory of sinawi or minsokak will be born.