• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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• v.142
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• pp.265-294
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• 2017

In the early days of human history, the governing groups of rulers needed to justify their rule. The cause of rule became the ruling ideology. In China, the backbone of the ruling ideology was originally referred to as 'Di(帝)' or 'Shangdi(上帝)', who was later replaced by 'Tian(天)', Heaven. So there was a claim that Heaven gave the cause of the rule. This idea is the 'Tianming (天命)' idea. When the Zhou(周) Dynasty took control of the central government, the 'Tianming' idea had had a relatively sophisticated form. It was the 'Zhouli(周禮)' that organized the systematic order of the Zhou Dynasty. After this system collapsed, those who recognized 'Zhouli' as a desirable social system considered the collapse of 'Zhouli' as a situation of turbulent age. It was Qin(秦) State that unified all of the states of the period. However, after the unification, the Qin Dynasty fell sharply. The next dynasty was the Han(漢) Dynasty. The new ruling powers of the Han Dynasty needed to justify their regime. That means that it was necessary to establish the ruling ideology of the Han Dynasty. The representative of the ruling ideology of the Han Dynasty was Dongzhongshu, whose thought was based on Confucianism. His thought was related to "Chunqiugongyangzhuan(春秋公羊傳)", an interpretation of "Chunqiu(春秋)". This interpretation perspective is based on the idea of religious Heaven. Dongzhongshu thought that there were co-communions between Heaven and humans. His thought has the meaning of political theology in which rulers hold the basis of the rulers' sovereignty.

• The Korean Publising Journal, Monthly
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• s.253
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• pp.11-11
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• 1999

80년대 문단이 문학의 사회성과 예술성을 둘러싼 리얼리즘과 모더니즘의 선명한 대립선상에서 파악될 수 있다면, 이념의 깃발이 내려진 90년대 문단을 지배한 것은 문학(비평)의 위기와 상업주의의 악마적 질주에 대한 문학적 대응이라고 할 수 있다. 선명한 진영은 해체되고 위기의 담론이 넘쳤으며 문단 상업주의는 더욱 노골화됐다. 따라서 90년대는 '중심'을 상실해간 시대에 진정성의 문학이 놓일 자리를 찾는 잡음과 소음의 연대로 기록될 것이다.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.48
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• pp.170-190
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• 2009

The aim of this study is to examine the ideological orientation of Minjujungbo which was the first and the largest newspaper in Busan during the U.S. Military Government in Korea. For this purpose this study analyzed the personal history of the editorial staffs and the coverage of the three historical events. The events analyzed were the supporting statement to trusteeship by Korean Communist Party in Jan. 1946, the money counterfeit by Jungpansa in May, 1946 and the general strike in Sep. 1946. The coverages of Minjujungbo on these three events were compared with those of other newspapers which had shown the orientation of the rightist, the neutral, and the leftist respectively. Most of the editorial staffs had been involved the leftist movement but were not socialist to the core at that time. Most of them were the members of Pusanilbo which was published by Japanese in late colonial period. The coverages of Minjujungbo were analyzed to be similar to those of Seoulsinmun which was evaluated as the neutral. But the coverage of the general strike was analyzed as leftist slightly. In conclusion it can be said that the ideological orientation of Minjujungbo was the left-of-center.

• Journal of dental hygiene science
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• v.6 no.3
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• pp.193-199
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• 2006

The purpose of this study was to compare the ideas of dental hygiene education programs between Korea and America. The America dental hygiene education program aimed at development capacity such as comprehensive dental hygiene care, critical thinking and problem solving, self-assessment skill to prepare for and engage in life-long learning, effective interpersonal and communication skill which evidence-based approach to dental hygiene process.

• Korea journal of population studies
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• v.33 no.3
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• pp.75-99
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• 2010

This paper aims to examine the causes and features of current generational conflicts in Korea and to discuss their implications. The data utilized in the study include collective data on presidential and general elections and secondary data obtained from empirical research. The findings are as follows. First, generational power conflicts express itself by struggles among generations concerning the timing of political power transfer. An average age of assemblymen decreases consistently regardless of changes in overriding ideological atmosphere in general - conservative vs. liberal. Second, ideological conflicts among generations were highly intensified around 2002 presidential election, but gradually moderated since 2004 general election. The conflicts might be re-intensified if a set of conditions were satisfied. Third, cultural conflicts between older and younger generations were contrasted around three cultual axes: economic growth with top priority vs. consumerism, collectivism vs. individualism, and authoritarianism vs. post-authoritarianism. To ease strained relations between generations, intergenerational programs were suggested.

• Korea journal of population studies
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• v.25 no.1
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• pp.145-179
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• 2002

This study explores the change of family policy in Germany focused on political ideologies and instruments of CDU/CSU and SPD. In past 50 years after the 2. world war the family policy in Germany has been influenced by ideologies of 2 major political parties. With conservative political perspectives, CDU and CSU intend to strengthen the institution family and traditional division of domestic work. Therefore, they prefer indirect support methods by income tax benefit for family as political instrument. SPD with liberal political perspectives intends to support working married women and children. As political instrument SPD prefers allowance for child to indirect support system. This different political perspectives of 2 major parties have been reflected automatically on the federal administrative system(BMFSFJ) which takes responsibility of family policy in Germany. Through the analysis of attitudes to family policy of major parties in Germany this paper attempts to be manifest the problem of korean family policy and to find implications of german modell.

• Korean Journal of Culture and Social Issue
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• v.16 no.3
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• pp.289-310
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• 2010

The purpose of this study was to examine how political interest, political ideologies, and information-searching goals influence the amount of information voters search, the ways in which people search for information about political candidates, and the type of information they select. The results showed that the participants under accuracy goal searched much more information and the participants under the high level of interest were not affected by conservative ideology, but the participants with the low level of interest were influenced by the liberal ideology and viewed substantially more information. And most of participants had the attribute-centered searching pattern. The social policies were accessed most, however, the information about party and personal background of a candidate were found least.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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• v.43 no.1
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• pp.69-81
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• 2015

Under the premise that parks have been a performing field of welfare ideology that benefits the citizen from the past, the present study began with a basic question on what substance a park has and how it has worked. Therefore, this study tried to find out the theoretic background that can explain the roles of a park as an instrument for welfare, of which topic is currently being discussed, and examine how the ideology in the debate regarding welfare characteristics of parks are differentiated from those of social welfare. In addition, this study divided the process of development of parks defined by Galen Cranz in an attempt to view how welfare benefits offered by parks have changed in their development and looked into the roles and types of welfare functions that parks provided to the citizens under a certain social situation by period. Furthermore, the characteristics and development of the ideology underlying a welfare park were examined by function and element in its progression. The results of this study are as follows. The functions that parks have performed so far can be classified into three categories. First, they have a remedial function. Parks have given direct services to 'the socially disadvantaged' such as relief, fostering, and rehabilitation. Second, parks have played a preventive function. They aim to reinforce the functions of individual, family, group, and community. Third, they have exerted a developmental function. They function to promote change of society in a way for it to contribute to social development. Looking into the roles and functions of parks from the perspective of their beneficiary class and benefits, the following were discovered. First, the beneficiaries of welfare characteristics in parks have expanded to the general public from the poor class, and the benefits of parks have spread into the public including the underprivileged in a real sense. Second, the significance of welfare characteristics in parks has also changed from literal benefits to caring for basic human rights. Third, the purpose of welfare characteristics in parks has changed from providing minimal conditions to optimal conditions. At its beginning, the ideology of welfare in parks remained ideal, confining itself to their idealistic characteristics; but as time went on, they created several social benefits in response to various social demands, developing into a field where welfare ideology manifests and is realized in an active manner. Furthermore, it was witnessed that the parks and welfare of the present times are standing at the point of contact for participation and universal well-being. The present study reconsidered the meaning and value of parks from perspective of them as a provider of welfare benefits as well as examined how the welfare ideology of parks is connected to practice. By doing so, this study discovered the various roles, values, and ideology that parks should bear in the future. Therefore, this study is expected to be a good example for future research related to the topic.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.26 no.3
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• pp.37-83
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• 2020

This paper presents the results of 'The Survey on the 21^st National Assembly members' conducted by the Korean Association of Party Studies (KAPS) and the Hankyoreh following the 21^st Korean National Assembly Election. Since the 16^th Korean National Assembly Election, the KAPS has surveyed the candidates and/or the elected regarding their views on major policy issues and perceived self-ideology, which has contributed to our understanding of overtime changes in ideology of political parties in South Korea and their members. This year's survey includes 21 questions on the four major policy issue areas including foreign policy, economy, social issues and cultural issues as well as their perceived ideology. Among the 300 elected, 197 participated in the survey. The results suggest that the Justice Party is most liberal, the United Future Party is most conservative, and the Democratic Party is in the middle on average in terms of issue preference and perceived ideology. Compared to the preceding National Assembly, the partisan gap continues to appear salient in foreign policy, economy, and the cultural issues. In contrast, the gap narrows down in the social issues because the members of the Democratic Party embrace more conservative preference. It is noteworthy to examine whether this shift leads to cooperative decision making on social policies between liberal and conservative parties in the upcoming National Assembly. The composite policy preference index of individual assembly members, on the other hand, shows significant difference among members of different parties. Political parties in South Korea has evolved from a group of people from the same region into a group of people with distinctive policy preferences.

• Nuclear Engineering and Technology
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• v.1 no.2
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• pp.129-134
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• 1969