• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.17 no.3
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• pp.63-82
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• 2011

한국사회 이념갈등을 다룬 대부분의 연구들은 이념갈등의 본질은 대북문제에 있으며, 이를 제외한 다른 정치사회적 이슈들에 대해서는 진보와 보수 간의 유의미한 차이가 없다고 밝히고 있다. 그러나 우리사회 현실을 볼 때 진보와 보수세력은 정치, 경제, 사회, 문화 등의 대부분의 이슈에 이해 첨예한 대립 관계를 형성하고 있다. 본 연구는 이에 대한 해답을 찾고자 한다. 본 연구에서는 이념측정의 방법과 분석틀에 있어 새로운 방법론을 제시한다. 우선 본 연구에서는 자기평가적 주관적 이념성향 대신 인간의 본성과 도덕성에 대한 태도, 사회개혁과 사회권위에 대한 입장 등으로 구성된 이념성향을 측정하였다. 또한 정책에 대한 입장이 개인의 이념성향을 결정하는 것이 아니라, 이념성향이 먼저 결정되며, 거기에 따라 정책에 대한 개인의 인식이나 입장이 나타나는 것이 논리적으로 타당하다고 본다.

• Journal of Digital Convergence
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• v.12 no.1
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• pp.141-148
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• 2014

The purpose of this study is to explore an effect of education in faith and propensity of managers towards faith on job satisfaction. We found that education in faith has a significant effect on the role conflict. Propensity of managers towards faith also influences the job satisfaction. On the other hand, Education in faith and role conflict do not have a significant effect on the job satisfaction. Conclusions and implications are discussed.

• Journal of the Korea Academia-Industrial cooperation Society
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• v.11 no.8
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• pp.2860-2867
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• 2010

In this research, I tried to make a comparative study of ideological characteristics of Industrial Relations between Korea and U.K., based on the presupposition that ideologies of Industrial Relations' Actors played an important role in Industrial Relations. U.K. have a voluntary and pluralistic ideological tradition of Industrial Relations, therefore U.K. is very rational to adjust and integrate different ideologies of actors. Meanwhile Korea have unrealistic, exclusive and rigid ideologies, therefore these have played a important role in worsening labor-management conflicts. For example strikes frequencies and workers involved in strikes are relatively few, but Workdays Lost due to strikes are very severe because of long strike durations, compared to U.K. Consequently national economic loss due to strikes has been severe. Korea trade unions are various and poor, but at the same time not mutual understanding in ideologies. Therefore from the viewpoint that strength in U.K.'s Industrial Relations stands on the power of adjusting different ideologies, we have to diminish the disparities between ideologies and realities of Industrial Relations through public discussion.

• Convergence Security Journal
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• v.13 no.5
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• pp.207-213
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• 2013

As the axis of the private security maintain social order in order to achieve the original purpose of all society must move in the direction of motion, and so in order to be a private security based philosophical values and ideological composition should be based. In this process, to be followed by private security value or direction, philosophy private security is the norm. In this regard, this study pursued by the private security justification ever truly normative principles are intended to establish. The public nature of the ideology of private security, public, efficiency, legality, responsiveness and the like. Conflict occurs between the value of these ideals, although complementary are in harmony.

• The Korean Publising Journal, Monthly
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• s.251
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• pp.26-26
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• 1999

보비오가 근대적인 정치이념으로서의 중도좌파(사회민주주의)이념과 제도로서의 좌파정당의 유효성을 강조하는 반면, 기든스.벡.래쉬는 성찰적 근대화 이전의 전통적인 좌파이념과 좌파정당의 한계를 강조하고 있다.

• Cartoon and Animation Studies
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• s.10
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• pp.91-106
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• 2006

The article concerns the cultural diversity as a policy value for the cultural industry policy in Korea. in the evolution of the cultural industry policy since the end of the 1990s, the primary values of the public policy has focused on the establishment of the cultural identity and the improvement of the competitiveness of the cultural industries. It Is likely that cultural diversify has been considered as a defensive value against the cultural globalization. Meanwhile, as the UNESCO indicates, the improvement of the cultural diversify should be established as a key policy value in terms of the cultural rights, cultural welfare and social inclusion. In this respect, the article analyzes the policy values of the cultural industry policy in terms of the cultural diversity. In addition, the policy alternatives for the improvement of the cultural diversity will be recommended. In particular, the article studies the case on the comic industry policy.

• Journal of Science and Technology Studies
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• v.2 no.1 s.3
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• pp.85-105
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• 2002

This is to review the nature of Korean science and technology policy based on the concept of policy ideas. According to the institutional theory, policy ideas are composed of the beliefs on both principle and causal relations concerning policy behaviors. Policy ideas influence science and technology policy considerably because they are embodied by policy-makers and embedded in government institutions such as decision-making rules and procedures. Recently, promoting industrial competitiveness is a leading policy idea in Korea's science and technology policy. It means that the science and technology policy is influenced mainly by economic interests rather than by civic interests. Though the economic value of science and technology may not easily underestimated, the negative external effects such as environmental degradation and technological risks should not be neglected. Therefore, in developing science and technology policy, much efforts should be made to consider both the policy idea of industrial competitiveness and the new one of quality of life in a balanced way. It means that civil society should be allowed to have more access to policy process in the area of science and technology than before.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.23 no.2
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• pp.147-177
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• 2017

Although a number of empirical studies found that political ideology plays a significant role in Korean elections, they entirely rely on cross-sectional data analysis. In contrast to previous research, this study investigates the effects of ideology in the 2012 Korean presidential election through standard panel data analysis. Specifically, using "EAI Panel Study, 2012", the effects of ideology on both candidate evaluation and vote choice were examined via fixed effects, random effects, and pooled regression analysis. And the results from applying the two most popular models of ideological voting, the proximity model and the directional change model were also compared. The results show that candidate evaluations and vote choice during the election (April, 2012- December, 2012) were significantly influenced by the ideological difference between voters and candidates, independent from partisanship and other standard socio-demographic factors. And this ideological voting during the election seems better captured by the directional change model than by the proximity model.

• Lingua Humanitatis
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• v.8
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• pp.39-58
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• 2006

In Hegels Wissenschaft der Logik wird die Idee als Leben des Begriffes, objektive Vollendung und Einheit von Subjekt und Objekt bezeichnet. Die Idee ist die Einheit von Begriff und dessen Existenz und des weiteren die "allgemeine Bedeutung des wahren Seins". Die Idee ist nicht die Namensgebung einer Abstraktion der Sache als abstrakte Sache oder einer reinen Form, sondern 'das Werden zum Diesem' oder 'das Diese' des konkreten und realistischen Objektes 'Dies hier und jetzt'. Auf einer solchen logischen Bestimmung beruhend, behauptet Hegel in seiner ${\ddot{A}}sthetik$ die Gleichheit zwischen "$Sch{\ddot{o}}nheit$" selbst und der "Idee der $Sch{\ddot{o}}nheit$". "Das $Sch{\ddot{o}}ne$ selbst" ist gleichzusetzen mit der "Idee der $Sch{\ddot{o}}nheit$" und wenn die Idee in einer bestimmte Form hineinpasst, wird dies das Ideale genannt. Hier liegt der Grund, weshalb wir die Idee als Begriff, Begriff des Daseins oder Einheit des Objektes bezeichnen $k{\ddot{o}}nnen$. Die Idee ist die Einheit von Begriff und dessen $Realit{\ddot{a}}t$, jedoch ist die dominierende Kraft der Einheit der Begriff. Die Idee ist die $Totalit{\ddot{a}}t$ der subjektiven Bestimmung und nur das Werk dass mit dem Begriff passend Einheit und $Objektivit{\ddot{a}}t$ hervorbringt, ist wirklich $sch{\ddot{o}}n$. Umgekehrt gesagt bedeutet diese Aussage, dass etwas wirklich $sch{\ddot{o}}n$ ist, wenn dies zu dem Begriff passt, und dass das genau zum Begriff passende ist mit dem Begriff gleichzusetzen ist. Wie bereits $bewu{\beta}t$, hat Kant die $f{\ddot{u}}r$ den kognitiven Begriff verantwortliche bestimmende Urteilskraft und das ${\ddot{a}}sthetische$ Urteil treffende reflektierende Urteilskraft, differenziert. Im Gegensatz dazu $erkl{\ddot{a}}rt$ Hegel die Beziehung zwischen Sein und Denken, Dasein und Begriff, Begriff und Idee mit dem Blickpunkt dass das $Verm{\ddot{o}}gen$ und die Funktion der Urteilskraft selbst eine grundliegend auf Reflektion beruhende Bestimmung ist und eine auf Bestimmung beruhende Reflektion ist. Nach dieser Logik entsprechend $f{\ddot{u}}hrt$ er die Beziehung zwischen der $sch{\dodt{o}}nen$ Sache und $Sch{\ddot{o}}nheit$ zusammen. In dieser $Erkl{\ddot{a}}rung$ verwirft Hegel Kants Begriffe wie Urteilskraft und Geschmack, und verwendet vorwiegend die von seiner Lehre vom Begriff auftauchende Begriffe. Die Zielsetzung dieser Arbeit ist, den Satz in Hegels ${\ddot{A}sthetik$ "Das $Sch{\ddot{o}}ne$ ist die Idee des $Sch{\ddot{o}}nen$" auf den Grund zu gehen. Um dieses Ziel zu verfolgen, wird das epistemologische $Verh{\ddot{a}}ltnis$ zwischen Dasein und Begriff, das logische $Verh{\ddot{a}}ltnisas$ zwischen Begriff und Idee betrachtet.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.27 no.1
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• pp.117-155
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• 2021

The purpose of this study is to identify the relationship between people's ideological orientation and the populist attitude in terms of demand of populism. The influence of subjective ideology evaluation and political party support on anti-elitism (AE), people centrism (PC) and anti-pluralism (AP) are analyzed in detail. To research this, the socioeconomic factors, democracy recognition and the method of political participation are set as control variables, and the ideologies are classified into extreme conservative, conservative, moderate, progress, and extreme progress. The data are collected through nationwide online survey. The results of the analysis are as follows: First, the powerful affinity between ideological orientation and populist attitude are confirmed. The support for conservative ideology (especially extreme conservative) and the conservative party are affecting the AE and AP, and the ideology of extreme progress and support for the progressive party are influencing the PC and AP. When putting together 3 types of attitude, the conservative (especially extreme conservative) and extreme progressive ideology are the factors that determine the populism attitude. Second, There was no impact of socioeconomic variables except gender (female) and age. Third, populist attitude have a multidimensional nature determined by democratic satisfaction, government trust, external efficacy, voting and non-voting activities.