• Title/Summary/Keyword: 의례형식

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The influence with buddhist music appearing in PanYeombul out of Ogu exorcism of East coast - focused on the song by Kim Janggil - (동해안 오구굿 중 판염불에 나타난 불교음악의 영향 - 김장길의 소리를 중심으로 -)

  • Seo, Jeong-mae
    • (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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    • no.34
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    • pp.277-313
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    • 2017
  • This study is to find out the correlation with buddhist music after analyzing the rhythm of six pieces of PanYeombul sung by Kim Janggil out of Ogu exorcism of East coast the findings summarized are as follows. First, PanYeombul by Kim Janggil, performed on Oct, 16, 2016, was composed of , , , , , , , , , , and . Still, even if PanYeombul is performed by the same male shaman, the composition can be added or left out depending on some circumstances, which means the procedures are flexible. Seeing that there is common component of in additoin to compared with Kimyongtaek, it can be said that the component of is an important part in PanYeombul of Ogu exorcism of East coast Second, is usually referred to 'SinmyojangguDaedalani' in buddhist ritual, While Kim yongtaek accepts this practice in title, Kim Janggil uses 'YeomhwajangguDaedalani' as the title which makes his song different from others. Yeomhwa means "picking up flowers with fingers" which has been used in buddhism, not in common Considering this fact, the conclusion can be reached that by using the term 'Daedalani' from a buddhist chant, but making differentiation from buddhism, Kim Janggil is making the effort to be different from buddhist rituals. give some unique meaning to shaman rituals. Third, PanYeombul of Ogu exorcism of East coast may be divided into two main parts - the former part is PanYeombul and the latter part is Jiokga. In performing PanYeombul, male shaman sits singing alone and playing Jing himself, on the other hand, in case of Jiokga, he stands singing a solo with gwaeggwari in his hand accompanied by other musicians with the rhythm of Samgongjaebi. As the song and the accompaniment are in the form of giving and taking like duet. it is in peak in terms of music. Accordingly, PanYeombul can be divided into PanYeombul and Jiokga, But since it is performed by one male shaman and sung a solo, it is usually seen as one procedure. Jing, which is a kind of accompaniment in PanYeombul by Kim Janggil, has the role to distinguish a phrase and settle the musical paragraph. When the buddhist chant with one word-one note is performed. it requires the performer to catch his or her breath or clear throat. Just then, Jing comes out for filling out the intervals. Also, its role to distinguish a phrase and settle the musical paragraph helps make it clear to deliver words. The rhythm of Jing is mostly made up of small triple time except equal small binary time, comes out with overwhelmingly more frequency of Sutsoe(♪♩) than Amsoe(♩♪), and often shows syncopation. By often using Off Beat or short-long rhythm even in accompaniment of equal small binary time, he tris to give some variation to monotonous and equal rhythm for the musical vitality. These are similar to Sutsoe rhythm which can evoke tension and Kim Janggil makes these things his characierisiic of rhythm. Fifth, all the pieces consist of mi, sol, la, do, re and the descending melody like do'${\searrow}$la${\searrow}$sol${\searrow}$mi appears most frequently. The descending melody usually arouses the feeling of sorrow, so the sadness for the deceased is presented properly, which suggests his musical talent. Generally, pieces take on Menari-tori as a whole where the length of sol appears for a short time in descending la${\searrow}$sol${\searrow}$mi of perfect four degrees. Sixth, Even he accepts the lines of buddhist chant, he changes them in some degree. For example, he inserted some words between lines like 'Wonwangsaeng' and 'NamuAmitabul' and added Korean words like hapsosa to the lines of buddhist service written in Chinese character. Also, he inserted some words like 'iiiiiii~' to express the feeling of sadness. These are to maximize the desire of the deceased to go to the heaven and at the same time to diminish the sign of buddhism and strengthen the features of shamanism. Seventh, the effort to decrease the sign of buddhism is made in pasting lines of two songs. For example, Between the last words 'Wonsuaenapsu of Dage and the first words 'Jisimgwimyeongrye' of Chiljeongrye, there is usually a short pause to distinguish paragraphs, But he continues two songs without any pause to get rid of the feelings of buddhist chant. In terms of melody, he makes a distance from buddhist chant in an effort that he gives some traits to shaman rituals which are different from buddhist even if he uses the lines of buddhist rituals. Eighth, the analyzed pieces can be in four categories - no regular melody , , equal small binary time , eotmori melody of ten eighth time with 3+2+3+2 mixed small time . and Samgongjaebi melody 3+2+3 mixed small time . Each piece has its unique melody. Although of buddhist ritual is often performed, by using eotmori melody, he evokes the feeling of shaman and is another example of giving unique characteristic to the shaman of East coast by using Samgongjaebi melody.

Interpretation of Praying Letter and Estimation of Production Period on Samsaebulhoedo at Yongjusa Temple (용주사(龍珠寺) <삼세불회도(三世佛會圖)>의 축원문(祝願文) 해석(解釋)과 제작시기(製作時期) 추정(推定))

  • Kang, Kwan-shik
    • MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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    • v.96
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    • pp.155-180
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    • 2019
  • Samsaebulhoedo(三世佛會圖) at Yongjusa Temple(龍珠寺), regarded as a monumental masterpiece consisting of different elements such as Confucian and Buddhist ideas, palace academy garden and Buddhist artist styles, unique traditional and western painting styles, is one of the representative works that symbolically illustrate the development and innovation of painting in the late Joseon dynasty. However, the absence of painting inscriptions raised persistent controversy over the past half century among researchers as to the matters of estimating its production period, identifying the original author and analyzing style characteristics. In the end, the work failed to gain recognitions commensurate with its historical significance and value. It is the particularly vital issue in that estimating the production period of the existing masterpiece is the beginning of all other discussions. However, this issue has caused the ensuing debates since all details are difficult to be interpreted to a concise form due to a number of different records on painters and mixture of traditional buddhist painting styles used by buddhist painters and innovative western styles used by ordinary painters. Contrary to other ordinary Buddhist paintings, this painting, Samsaebulhoedo, has a praying letter for the royal establishment at the center of the main altar. It should be noted that regarding this painting, its original version-His Royal Highness King, Her Majesty, His Royal Crown Prince主上殿下, 王妃殿下, 世子邸下-was erased and instead added Her Love Majesty慈宮邸下 in front of Her Majesty. This praying letter can be assumed as one of the significant and objective evidence for estimating its production period. The new argument of the late 19th century production focused on this praying letter, and proposed that King Sunjo was then the first-born son when Yongjusa Temple was built in 1790 and it was not until January 1, 1800 that he was ascended to the Crown Prince. In this light, the existing praying letter with the eulogistic title-Crown Prince世子-should be considered revised after his ascension to the throne. Styles and icons bore some resemblance to Samsaebulhoedo at Cheongryongsa Temple or Bongeunsa Temple portrayed by Buddhist painters in the late 19th century. Therefore, the remaining Samsaebulhoedo should be depicted by them in the same period as western styles were introduced in Buddhist painting in later days. Following extensive investigations, praying letters in Buddhist paintings in the late 19th century show that it was usual to record specification such as class, birth date and family name of people during the dynasty at the point of producing Buddhist paintings. It is easy to find that those who passed away decades ago cannot be revised to use eulogistic titles as seen by the praying letters in Samsaebulhoedo at Yongju Temple. As "His Royal Highness King, Her Majesty, His Royal Crown Prince" was generally used around 1790 regardless of the presence of first-born son or Crown Prince, it was rather natural to write the eulogistic title "His Royal Crown Prince" in the praying letter of Samsaebulhoedo. Contrary to ordinary royal hierarchy, Her Love Majesty was placed in front of Her Majesty. Based on this, the praying letter was assumed to be revised since King Jeongjo placed royal status of Hyegyeonggung before the Queen, which was an exceptional case during King Jeongjo's reign, due to unusual relationships among King Jeongjo, Hyegyeonggung and the Queen arising from the death of Crown Prince(思悼世子). At that time, there was a special case of originally writing a formal tripod praying letter, as can be seen from ordinary praying letter in Buddhist paintings, erasing it and adding a special eulogistic title: Her Love Majesty. This indicates that King Jeongjo identified that Hyegyeonggung was erased, and commanded to add it; nevertheless, ceremony leaders of Yongju Temple, built as a palace for holding ceremonies of Hyeonryungwon(顯隆園) are Jeongjo, the son of his father and his wife Hyegyeonggung (Her Love Majesty)(惠慶宮(慈宮)). This revision is believed to be ordered by King Jeongjo on January 17, 1791 when the King paid his first visit to the Hyeonryungwon since the establishment of Hyeonryungwon and Yongju Temple, stopped by Yongju Temple on his way to palace and saw Samsaebulhoedo for the first and last time. As shown above, this letter consisting of special contents and forms can be seen an obvious, objective testament to the original of Samsebulhoedo painted in 1790 when Yongju Temple was built.

Showing Filial Piety: Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain at the National Museum of Korea (과시된 효심: 국립중앙박물관 소장 <인왕선영도(仁旺先塋圖)> 연구)

  • Lee, Jaeho
    • MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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    • v.96
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    • pp.123-154
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    • 2019
  • Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain is a ten-panel folding screen with images and postscripts. Commissioned by Bak Gyeong-bin (dates unknown), this screen was painted by Jo Jung-muk (1820-after 1894) in 1868. The postscripts were written by Hong Seon-ju (dates unknown). The National Museum of Korea restored this painting, which had been housed in the museum on separate sheets, to its original folding screen format. The museum also opened the screen to the public for the first time at the special exhibition Through the Eyes of Joseon Painters: Real Scenery Landscapes of Korea held from July 23 to September 22, 2019. Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain depicts real scenery on the western slopes of Inwangsan Mountain spanning present-day Hongje-dong and Hongeun-dong in Seodaemun-gu, Seoul. In the distance, the Bukhansan Mountain ridges are illustrated. The painting also bears place names, including Inwangsan Mountain, Chumohyeon Hill, Hongjewon Inn, Samgaksan Mountain, Daenammun Gate, and Mireukdang Hall. The names and depictions of these places show similarities to those found on late Joseon maps. Jo Jung-muk is thought to have studied the geographical information marked on maps so as to illustrate a broad landscape in this painting. Field trips to the real scenery depicted in the painting have revealed that Jo exaggerated or omitted natural features and blended and arranged them into a row for the purposes of the horizontal picture plane. Jo Jung-muk was a painter proficient at drawing conventional landscapes in the style of the Southern School of Chinese painting. Details in Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain reflect the painting style of the School of Four Wangs. Jo also applied a more decorative style to some areas. The nineteenth-century court painters of the Dohwaseo(Royal Bureau of Painting), including Jo, employed such decorative painting styles by drawing houses based on painting manuals, applying dots formed like sprinkled black pepper to depict mounds of earth and illustrating flowers by dotted thick pigment. Moreover, Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain shows the individualistic style of Jeong Seon(1676~1759) in the rocks drawn with sweeping brushstrokes in dark ink, the massiveness of the mountain terrain, and the pine trees simply depicted using horizontal brushstrokes. Jo Jung-muk is presumed to have borrowed the authority and styles of Jeong Seon, who was well-known for his real scenery landscapes of Inwangsan Mountain. Nonetheless, the painting lacks an spontaneous sense of space and fails in conveying an impression of actual sites. Additionally, the excessively grand screen does not allow Jo Jung-muk to fully express his own style. In Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain, the texts of the postscripts nicely correspond to the images depicted. Their contents can be divided into six parts: (1) the occupant of the tomb and the reason for its relocation; (2) the location and geomancy of the tomb; (3) memorial services held at the tomb and mysterious responses received during the memorial services; (4) cooperation among villagers to manage the tomb; (5) the filial piety of Bak Gyeong-bin, who commissioned the painting and guarded the tomb; and (6) significance of the postscripts. The second part in particular is faithfully depicted in the painting since it can easily be visualized. According to the fifth part revealing the motive for the production of the painting, the commissioner Bak Gyeongbin was satisfied with the painting, stating that "it appears impeccable and is just as if the tomb were newly built." The composition of the natural features in a row as if explaining each one lacks painterly beauty, but it does succeed in providing information on the geomantic topography of the gravesite. A fair number of the existing depictions of gravesites are woodblock prints of family gravesites produced after the eighteenth century. Most of these are included in genealogical records and anthologies. According to sixteenth- and seventeenth-century historical records, hanging scrolls of family gravesites served as objects of worship. Bowing in front of these paintings was considered a substitute ritual when descendants could not physically be present to maintain their parents' or other ancestors' tombs. Han Hyo-won (1468-1534) and Jo Sil-gul (1591-1658) commissioned the production of family burial ground paintings and asked distinguished figures of the time to write a preface for the paintings, thus showing off their filial piety. Such examples are considered precedents for Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain. Hermitage of the Recluse Seokjeong in a private collection and Old Villa in Hwagae County at the National Museum of Korea are not paintings of family gravesites. However, they serve as references for seventeenth-century paintings depicting family gravesites in that they are hanging scrolls in the style of the paintings of literary gatherings and they illustrate geomancy. As an object of worship, Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain recalls a portrait. As indicated in the postscripts, the painting made Bak Gyeong-bin "feel like hearing his father's cough and seeing his attitudes and behaviors with my eyes." The fable of Xu Xiaosu, who gazed at the portrait of his father day and night, is reflected in this gravesite painting evoking a deceased parent. It is still unclear why Bak Gyeong-bin commissioned Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain to be produced as a real scenery landscape in the folding screen format rather than a hanging scroll or woodblock print, the conventional formats for a family gravesite paintings. In the nineteenth century, commoners came to produce numerous folding screens for use during the four rites of coming of age, marriage, burial, and ancestral rituals. However, they did not always use the screens in accordance with the nature of these rites. In the Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain, the real scenery landscape appears to have been emphasized more than the image of the gravesite in order to allow the screen to be applied during different rituals or for use to decorate space. The burial mound, which should be the essence of Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain, might have been obscured in order to hide its violation of the prohibition on the construction of tombs on the four mountains around the capital. At the western foot of Inwangsan Mountain, which was illustrated in this painting, the construction of tombs was forbidden. In 1832, a tomb discovered illegally built on the forbidden area was immediately dug up and the related people were severely punished. This indicates that the prohibition was effective until the mid-nineteenth century. The postscripts on the Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain document in detail Bak Gyeong-bin's efforts to obtain the land as a burial site. The help and connivance of villagers were necessary to use the burial site, probably because constructing tombs within the prohibited area was a burden on the family and villagers. Seokpajeong Pavilion by Yi Han-cheol (1808~1880), currently housed at the Los Angeles County Museum of Art, is another real scenery landscape in the format of a folding screen that is contemporaneous and comparable with Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain. In 1861 when Seokpajeong Pavilion was created, both Yi Han-cheol and Jo Jung-muk participated in the production of a portrait of King Cheoljong. Thus, it is highly probable that Jo Jung-muk may have observed the painting process of Yi's Seokpajeong Pavilion. A few years later, when Jo Jungmuk was commissioned to produce Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain, his experience with the impressive real scenery landscape of the Seokpajeong Pavilion screen could have been reflected in his work. The difference in the painting style between these two paintings is presumed to be a result of the tastes and purposes of the commissioners. Since Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain contains the multilayered structure of a real scenery landscape and family gravesite, it seems to have been perceived in myriad different ways depending on the viewer's level of knowledge, closeness to the commissioner, or viewing time. In the postscripts to the painting, the name and nickname of the tomb occupant as well as the place of his surname are not recorded. He is simply referred to as "Mister Bak." Biographical information about the commissioner Bak Gyeong-bin is also unavailable. However, given that his family did not enter government service, he is thought to have been a person of low standing who could not become a member of the ruling elite despite financial wherewithal. Moreover, it is hard to perceive Hong Seon-ju, who wrote the postscripts, as a member of the nobility. He might have been a low-level administrative official who belonged to the Gyeongajeon, as documented in the Seungjeongwon ilgi (Daily Records of Royal Secretariat of the Joseon Dynasty). Bak Gyeong-bin is presumed to have moved the tomb of his father to a propitious site and commissioned Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain to stress his filial piety, a conservative value, out of his desire to enter the upper class. However, Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain failed to live up to its original purpose and ended up as a contradictory image due to its multiple applications and the concern over the exposure of the violation of the prohibition on the construction of tombs on the prohibited area. Forty-seven years after its production, this screen became a part of the collection at the Royal Yi Household Museum with each panel being separated. This suggests that Bak Gyeong-bin's dream of bringing fortune and raising his family's social status by selecting a propitious gravesite did not come true.

A Study on the Excavated Sab(a funeral fan) from Lime-filled Tomb and Lime-layered Tomb during the Joseon Dynasty (조선시대 회격·회곽묘 출토 삽(翣)에 대한 고찰)

  • Yi, Seung Hae;An, Bo Yeon
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.41 no.2
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    • pp.43-59
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    • 2008
  • Sap(?, a funeral fan) is a funeral ceremonial object used in association with a Confucian ceremonial custom, which was crafted by making a wooden frame, attaching a white cloth or a thick paper onto it, drawing pictures on it, and making a holder for a handle. According to Liji(Records of Rites), Sap was used since the Zhou Dynasty, and these Chinese Sap examples are no big different than the Korean Sap examples, which were described in Joseon Wangjo Sillok(Annals of the Joseon Dynasty), Gukjo Oryeui(the Five Rites of the State), and Sarye Pyeollam(Handbook on Four Rituals). This study explored Sap excavated in lime-filled tombs and lime-layered tombs of aristocrats dating back to Joseon, as well as their historical records to examine Sap's characteristics according to their examples, manufacturing methods, and use time. The number and designs of Sap varied according to the deceased' social status aristocrats used mainly one pair of 亞-shaped Bulsap, and a pair of Hwasap with a cloud design depicted on it. A Sap was wrapped twice with Chojuji paper or Jeojuji paper, and for the third time with Yeonchangji paper. Then, it was covered with a white ramie, a hemp, a cotton, a silk satin, etc. Bobul(an axe shape and 亞-shape design) was drawn on both sides of Sap, and a rising current of cloud was drawn at the peripheral area mainly with red or scarlet pigments. Sap, which were excavated from aristocrats'lime-filled and lime-layered tombs, are the type of Sap which were separated from its handle. These excavated Sap are those whose long handles were burnt during the death carriage procession, leaving Sap, which later were erected on both sides of the coffin. The manufacturing process of excavated relics can be inferred by examining them. The excavated relics are classified into those with three points and those with two points according to the number of point. Of the three-point type(Type I), there is the kind of relic that was woven into something like a basket by using a whole wood plate or cutting bamboo into flat shapes. The three-point Sap was concentrated comparatively in the early half of Joseon, and was manufactured with various methods compared with its rather unified overall shape. In the meantime, the two-point Sap was manufactured with a relatively formatted method; its body was manufactured in the form of a rectangle or a reverse trapezoid, and then its upper parts with two points hanging from them were connected, and the top surface was made into a curve(Type II) or a straight line(Type III) differentiating it from the three-point type. This manufacturing method, compared with that of the three-point type, is simple, but is not greatly different from the three-point type manufacturing method. In particular, the method of crafting the top surface into a straight line has been used until today. Of the examined 30 Sap examples, those whose production years were made known from the buried persons'death years inscribed on the tomb stones, were reexamined, indicating that type I was concentrated in the first half of the $16^{th}$ century. Type II spanned from the second half of the $16^{th}$ century to the second half of the $17^{th}$ century, and type III spanned from the first half of the $17^{th}$ century to the first half of the $18^{th}$ century. The shape of Sap is deemed to have changed from type I to type II and again from type II to type III In the $17^{th}$ century, which was a time of change, types II and III coexisted. Of the three types of Sap, types II and III re similar because they have two points; thus a noteworthy transit time is thought to have been the middle of the $16^{th}$ century. Type I compared with types II and III is thought to have required more efforts and skills in the production process, and as time passed, the shape and manufacturing methods of Sap are presumed to have been further simplified according to the principle of economy. The simplification of funeral ceremonies is presumed to have been furthered after Imjinwaeran(Japanese invasion of Joseon, 1592~1598), given that as shown in the Annals of King Seonjo, state funerals were suspended several times. In the case of Sap, simplification began from the second half of the $16^{th}$ century, and even in the $18^{th}$ century, rather than separately crafting Sap, Sap was directly drawn on the coffin cover and the coffin. However, in this simplification of form, regulations on the use of Sap specified in Liji were observed, and thus the ceremony was rationally simplified.