• Title/Summary/Keyword: 의례형식

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The Growth and Locality of Mahan(馬韓) Seen through the Pottery in Tombs (분묘 출토 토기로 살펴본 마한의 성장과 지역성)

  • Kim, Nak Jung
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.49 no.4
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    • pp.126-155
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    • 2016
  • This article deals with some issues with respect to the Mahan pottery excavated from the tombs. Pedestal jars with cover, small round-bottom jars, cylindrical pottery etc. had appeared in the interaction with the northern region in the dimension of the southern Korean peninsula. Especially, these relics had an important role at the route connecting the midwest region, Chungcheong(忠淸) inland and Yeongnam(嶺南) region. By this stage, the iron culture was similar to each other in the southern Korean peninsula. In addition to the inland route, the coastal passage along the west coast seems to have been used. Such signs are found in cylindrical pottery and Pedestal jars with cover. It was probably a natural phenomenon that the most powerful forces of Mahan appeared at this crossroad of cultural exchange. The unique style of Mahan pottery such as double-rim pottery had been established since the third century. After the third century, Mahan pottery varied by region depending on the tomb style. The difference roughly matches with the variations of the tomb style. But at the region of Bungumyo(mounded tomb), specific pottery such double-rim pottery had been prevalent than in other regions. And a specific style had been used in a narrow range. The pottery spread to the neighboring regions in the course of interaction and were also used in ritual practices.

Seeking Alternative Directions in Confirmation Education for Korean Protestant Church (한국교회 견신례 교육의 대안적 방향에 관한 연구)

  • Shin-Geun Jang
    • Journal of Christian Education in Korea
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    • v.75
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    • pp.7-31
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    • 2023
  • Purpose of study: The purpose of this essay is to seek an alternative direction for confirmation education within the context of Korean Protestant Church, addressing the following issues: 1) Confusion in the use of terminology on confirmation, 2) Superficial understanding of confirmation, and the absence or privatization of confirmation theology, 3) Formalized confirmation education based on the concept of rites of passage, and 4) The absence of denominationally structured confirmation education. Research content and method: To achieve this purpose, this essay attempts to foster an intradisciplinary and interactive dialogue on confirmation through a biblical, historical, and theological approach. Biblically, confirmation is to be understood as the unity of the baptism of water and the baptism of Holy Spirit, associated with the consecration of the baptized as royal priests through the baptism of Holy Spirit. Historically, as a part of the rite of Christian initiation, confirmation was a unified rite that has undergone a process of separation and reunification. Theologically, the rite of confirmation affirms the covenant of the Triune God given in baptism and is positioned between baptism and the Lord's Supper. Conclusions and Suggestions: In conclusion, this essay suggests an alternative form of Confirmation education that is oriented towards the following objectives: 1) Education that forms the identity given in the baptismal covenant, 2) Education that reflects characteristics of both baptism and the Lord's Supper, 3) Education that integrates the Bible, doctrine, and life of confirmand and, 4) Education based on an organic educational system.

The Historical significance of Li-thought at the Lee-Eonjeok's Bongseonjabui (회재(晦齋) 『봉선잡의(奉先雜儀)』의 예학사적(禮學史的) 의의(意義) - 16세기 제례서(祭禮書)와의 비교를 중심으로 -)

  • Doh, Minjae
    • (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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    • no.72
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    • pp.185-215
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    • 2018
  • This paper discusses the Historical significance of Li-thought at the Hoejae, Lee-Eonjeok's Bongseonjabui. In this study, I tried to derive the value and meaning in the history of the Chosun Dynasty by examining the comparison between the Bongseonjabui and Book of Ancestor-memorial Ceremonies written in the 16th century The following is a summary of the Historical significance of Li-thought of Bongseonjabui. First, it is the first concrete result of the Chosun Dynasty concerning the Family Rituals. Second, it is characterized not only the description of actual procedures but also the explanations of both the theory and reality in Ancestor-memorial Ceremony. Third, it is an example of harmonizing with the national system and the customs of time by applying to the situation of Chosun society at that time. Fourth, it is an example that focuses on the essential meaning of the Ancestor-memorial Ceremony, not the attitude of one side the Zhu Xi's Family Rituals as in the later books.

A Study on the Wooden Seated Vairocana Tri-kaya Buddha Images in the Daeungjeon Hall of Hwaeomsa Temple (화엄사 대웅전 목조비로자나삼신 불좌상에 대한 고찰)

  • Choe, Songeun
    • MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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    • v.100
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    • pp.140-170
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    • 2021
  • This paper investigates the Wooden Seated Tri-kaya Buddha Images(三身佛像) of Vairocana, Rushana, and Sakyamuni enshrined in Daeungjeon Hall of Hwaeomsa temple(華嚴寺) in Gurae, South Cheolla Province. They were produced in 1634 CE and placed in 1635 CE, about forty years after original images made in the Goryeo period were destroyed by the Japanese army during the war. The reconstruction of Hwaeomsa was conducted by Gakseong, one of the leading monks of Joseon Dynasty in the 17th century, who also conducted the reconstructions of many Buddhist temples after the war. In 2015, a prayer text (dated 1635) concerning the production of Hwaeomsa Tri-kaya Buddha images was found in the repository within Sakyamuni Buddha. It lists the names of participants, including royal family members (i.e., prince Yi Guang, the eighth son of King Seon-jo), and their relatives (i.e., Sin Ik-seong, son-in-law of King Seonjo), court ladies, monk-sculptors, and large numbers of monks and laymen Buddhists. A prayer text (dated 1634) listing the names of monk-sculptors written on the wooden panel inside the pedestal of Rushana Buddha was also found. A recent investigation into the repository within Rushana Buddha in 2020 CE has revealed a prayer text listing participants producing these images, similar to the former one from Sakyamuni Buddha, together with sacred relics of hoo-ryeong-tong copper bottle and a large quantity of Sutra books. These new materials opened a way to understand Hwaeomsa Trikaya images, including who made them and when they were made. The two above-mentioned prayer texts from the repository of Sakyamuni and Rushana Buddha statues, and the wooden panel inside the pedestal of Rushan Buddha tell us that eighteen monk-sculptors, including Eungwon, Cheongheon and Ingyun, who were well-known monk artisans of the 17th century, took part in the construction of these images. As a matter of fact, Cheongheon belonged to a different workshop from Eungwon and Ingyun, who were most likely teacher and disciple or senior and junior colleagues, which means that the production of Hwaeomsa Tri-kaya Buddha images was a collaboration between sculptors from two workshops. Eungwon and Ingyun seem to have belonged to the same community studying under the great Buddhist priest Seonsu, the teacher of Monk Gakseong who was in charge of the reconstruction of Haweonsa temple. Hwaeomsa Tri-kaya Buddha images show a big head, a squarish face with plump cheeks, narrow and drooping shoulders, and a short waist, which depict significant differences in body proportion to those of other Buddha statues of the first half of 17th century, which typically have wide shoulders and long waists. The body proportion shown in the Hwaeomsa images could be linked with images of late Goryeo and early Joseon period. Rushana Buddha, raising his two arms in a preaching hand gesture and wearing a crown and bracelets, shows unique iconography of the Bodhisattva form. This iconography of Rushana Buddha had appeared in a few Sutra paintings of Northern Song and Late Goryeo period of 13th and 14th century. BodhaSri-mudra of Vairocana Buddha, unlike the general type of BodhaSri-mudra that shows the right hand holding the left index finger, places his right hand upon the left hand in a fist. It is similar to that of Vairocana images of Northern and Southern Song, whose left hand is placed on the top of right hand in a fist. This type of mudra was most likely introduced during the Goryeo period. The dried lacquer Seated Vairocana image of Bulheosa Temple in Naju is datable to late Goryeo period, and exhibits similar forms of the mudra. Hwaeomsa Tri-kaya Buddha images also show new iconographic aspects, as well as traditional stylistic and iconographic features. The earth-touching (bhumisparsa) mudra of Sakymuni Buddha, putting his left thumb close to the middle finger, as if to make a preaching mudra, can be regarded as a new aspect that was influenced by the Sutra illustrations of the Ming dynasty, which were imported by the royal court of Joseon dynasty and most likely had an impact on Joseon Buddhist art from the 15th and 16th centuries. Stylistic and iconographical features of Hwaeomsa Tri-kaya Buddha images indicate that the traditional aspects of Goryeo period and new iconography of Joseon period are rendered together, side by side, in these sculptures. The coexistence of old and new aspects in one set of images could indicate that monk sculptors tried to find a new way to produce Hwaeomsa images based on the old traditional style of Goryeo period when the original Tri-kaya Buddha images were made, although some new iconography popular in Joseon period was also employed in the images. It is also probable that monk sculptors of Hwaeomsa Tri-kaya Buddha images intended to reconstruct these images following the original images of Goryeo period, which was recollected by surviving monks at Hwaeomsa, who had witnessed the original Tri-kaya Buddha images.

A Review Examining the Dating, Analysis of the Painting Style, Identification of the Painter, and Investigation of the Documentary Records of Samsaebulhoedo at Yongjusa Temple (용주사(龍珠寺) <삼세불회도(三世佛會圖)> 연구의 연대 추정과 양식 분석, 작가 비정, 문헌 해석의 검토)

  • Kang, Kwanshik
    • MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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    • v.97
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    • pp.14-54
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    • 2020
  • The overall study of Samsaebulhoedo (painting of the Assembly of Buddhas of Three Ages) at Yongjusa Temple has focused on dating it, analyzing the painting style, identifying its painter, and scrutinizing the related documents. However, its greater coherence could be achieved through additional support from empirical evidence and logical consistency. Recent studies on Samsaebulhoedo at Yongjusa Temple that postulate that the painting could have been produced by a monk-painter in the late nineteenth century and that an original version produced in 1790 could have been retouched by a painter in the 1920s using a Western painting style lack such empirical proof and logic. Although King Jeongjo's son was not yet installed as crown prince, the Samsaebulhoedo at Yongjusa Temple contained a conventional written prayer wishing for a long life for the king, queen, and crown prince: "May his majesty the King live long / May her majesty the Queen live long / May his highness the Crown Prince live long" (主上殿下壽萬歲, 王妃殿下壽萬歲, 世子邸下壽萬歲). Later, this phrase was erased using cinnabar and revised to include unusual content in an exceptional order: "May his majesty the King live long / May his highness the King's Affectionate Mother (Jagung) live long / May her majesty the Queen live long / May his highness the Crown Prince live long" (主上殿下壽萬歲, 慈宮邸下壽萬歲, 王妃殿下壽萬歲, 世子邸下壽萬歲). A comprehensive comparison of the formats and contents in written prayers found on late Joseon Buddhist paintings and a careful analysis of royal liturgy during the reign of King Jeongjo reveal Samsaebulhoedo at Yongjusa Temple to be an original version produced at the time of the founding of Yongjusa Temple in 1790. According to a comparative analysis of formats, iconography, styles, aesthetic sensibilities, and techniques found in Buddhist paintings and paintings by Joseon court painters from the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, Samsaebulhoedo at Yongjusa Temple bears features characteristic of paintings produced around 1790, which corresponds to the result of analysis on the written prayer. Buddhist paintings created up to the early eighteenth century show deities with their sizes determined by their religious status and a two-dimensional conceptual composition based on the traditional perspective of depicting close objects in the lower section and distant objects above. This Samsaebulhoedo, however, systematically places the Buddhist deities within a threedimensional space constructed by applying a linear perspective. Through the extensive employment of chiaroscuro as found in Western painting, it expresses white highlights and shadows, evoking a feeling that the magnificent world of the Buddhas of the Three Ages actually unfolds in front of viewers. Since the inner order of a linear perspective and the outer illusion of chiaroscuro shading are intimately related to each other, it is difficult to believe that the white highlights were a later addition. Moreover, the creative convergence of highly-developed Western painting style and techniques that is on display in this Samsaebulhoedo could only have been achieved by late-Joseon court painters working during the reign of King Jeongjo, including Kim Hongdo, Yi Myeong-gi, and Kim Deuksin. Deungun, the head monk of Yongjusa Temple, wrote Yongjusa sajeok (History of Yongjusa Temple) by compiling the historical records on the temple that had been transmitted since its founding. In Yongjusa sajeok, Deungun recorded that Kim Hongdo painted Samsaebulhoedo as if it were a historical fact. The Joseon royal court's official records, Ilseongnok (Daily Records of the Royal Court and Important Officials) and Suwonbu jiryeong deungnok (Suwon Construction Records), indicate that Kim Hongdo, Yi Myeong-gi, and Kim Deuksin all served as a supervisor (gamdong) for the production of Buddhist paintings. Since within Joseon's hierarchical administrative system it was considered improper to allow court painters of government position to create Buddhist paintings which had previously been produced by monk-painters, they were appointed as gamdong in name only to avoid a political liability. In reality, court painters were ordered to create Buddhist paintings. During their reigns, King Yeongjo and King Jeongjo summoned the literati painters Jo Yeongseok and Kang Sehwang to serve as gamdong for the production of royal portraits and requested that they paint these portraits as well. Thus, the boundary between the concept of supervision and that of painting occasionally blurred. Supervision did not completely preclude painting, and a gamdong could also serve as a painter. In this light, the historical records in Yongjusa sajeok are not inconsistent with those in Ilseongnok, Suwonbu jiryeong deungnok, and a prayer written by Hwang Deok-sun, which was found inside the canopy in Daeungjeon Hall at Yongjusa Temple. These records provided the same content in different forms as required for their purposes and according to the context. This approach to the Samsaebulhoedo at Yongjusa Temple will lead to a more coherent explanation of dating the painting, analyzing its style, identifying its painter, and interpreting the relevant documents based on empirical grounds and logical consistency.

An Analysis of Consumers' Socio-Cultural Experiences Expressed in Consumption Stories : An Experimental Application of a Narrative Analysis (소비생활 이야기에 반영된 소비자의 사회문화적 경험 분석: Narrative 분석의 실험적 적용)

  • Kim, Kee-Ok
    • Journal of the Korean Home Economics Association
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    • v.37 no.5
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    • pp.61-84
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    • 1999
  • The purpose of this study is to understand the context of cosumers' lives in Korea with a narrative analysis method. The epistemological orientation of eh narrative analysis is Interpretivism, which blends the two polar philosophical perspectives, Empiricism and Rationalism, and includes Narrotology, Hermeneneutics, Semiotics, and Structural Criticism. Narrative analysis takes as its object of investigation the story itself. This study collects eleven narrative plots from four housewives, into which Labov's structural approach is applied. This study shows clearly that the socio-cultural environment in which consumers live has strong influence on their consumption behavior and also reveals that narrativization tells not only about past actions but how individuals understand those actions, that is, meaning.

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A Study on the Divinity Construction of Temples in Sapa Region, Vietnam : Case of Den Hang Pho (베트남 사파(Sapa)지역 신전(神殿)의 신격(神格) 구성 고찰 - 덴항포(Den Hang Pho, SAPA)를 소재삼아 -)

  • Lee, Yoon Sun;LE, THI NGOC CAM
    • Journal of Korean Historical Folklife
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    • no.34
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    • pp.253-281
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    • 2010
  • This study has its purpose on figuring it out to the religious notion in Vietnam with the material of the divinity construction of Den Hang Pho in Sapa where is the northern region of Vietnam. To make this, the study divides the type of Vietnamese temples into four parts; Chua, Den, Dinh, and Mieu. Among them, the study pays attention to 'Den' because Vietnamese historical heroes are seated as divinity. This reason makes a reasonable case to this study to figure out a typically and generally religious faith. First of all, the study analyzes immaculate divinity, which generally consists of three and four layered system. The study confirms that the immaculate divinity started from the goddess and then extended to the concept to dominate the sky, the ground, the sea(river), and the mountain(forest). General Tran Hung Dao is the best historical hero in Vietnam and has been placed in temples called Den. The study exams the context that the divinity extended to the religious beliefs, for examples, the belief related in a childbirth by lots of narrations and ceremonies and the belief to treat a sickness, and also exams the context that the divinity placed in a divinity to make a symmetrical relation with immaculate faith. The study exams the divinity construction of Den Hang Pho as its authentic case. In this case, the study could verify a case emphasized by mountain Holy Mother among immaculate faiths. Especially, the study can confirm that General Tran Hung Dao was apotheosized as a concept to be symmetrized with immaculate divinity, and futhermore, a couple of snakes was emphasized by their positioning to every room. Tri-system lays stress on the aboriginality(locality) centered on minority races in the northern Vietnam, the national identity of Vietnam, and the ecological condition of rivers flowing the valley of high and steep peak. The confirmed facts could be said to a construction what the religious notion of tri-system makes. The study makes a conclusion that this kind of conversion-oriented religious notion naturally corresponded with region, nation, and ecologically environmental condition, and extended to the Vietnamese faith with polytheistic divinity.

The Modes of Existence for the Housewife's Authority in Joseon Dynasty (조선시대 부권(婦權)의 존재 양상 연구)

  • Lee, Eun-Bong
    • (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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    • no.73
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    • pp.65-89
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    • 2018
  • This paper was triggered by the idea that the culture of ancestral rites and the patrilocality, which entail the excessive sacrifice on the part of the wife, that eventually led to the coinage of the expression, "housewives' holiday stress," is perhaps not the age-old traditions it claim to be, but rather a recent phenomenon. The purpose of this paper is to reveal that the loss of housewife's authority is the product of "becoming yangban (aristocrats)," which was a culture that was in fashion in the late Joseon dynasty. Until the late Joseon dynasty, women, in particular, the married women maintained an autonomous life which allowed them the authority to an extent, based on their properties that they brought from and the ties that they maintained with their original family and. However, such authority of the housewives disappeared since the invasion of Joseon by Japan and Qing in the year of Imjin (1592) and Byeongja (1636), respectively, as the daughters were excluded from receiving inheritance in a desperate attempt to maintain the impoverished family after the wars. However, patriarchy based on neo-Confucian custom and convention of patriarchal clan system could not spread to the entire population immediately after the wars, as it was impossible to include everyone in the aristocratic class (yangban). It was due to the increase of aristocrats within the continued social changes that occurred after the wars that the neo-Confucian patriarchy became the norm and ethical standard in Joseon society. Also, the theory of propriety in neo-Confucianism that everyone from the emperor down to commoners must abide by the patriarchal clan system was realized through Zhuzi jiali, i.e. Master Zhu's Family Rituals, which institutionalized the system of family rites by setting up ancestral shrines in every household. For the aristocrats who lost their financial footing, the only basis they could rely on to prove their aristocratic lineage is the strict compliance with the rituals. Also, for the once commoners who turned into aristocrats one day had to emphasize the formal propriety in order to distinguish themselves from the commoners. Hence, the culture of "becoming yangban" in the nineteenth-century Joseon was what solidified the patriarchal rituals, decorum, and clan system. As a result, women have become subordinated to the husband's families, which forced the women, i.e. the housewives to serve them and sacrifice themselves for them. At times, women self-imposed such restraints on them as they led themselves into believing that it was necessary to maintain the family for their sons.

The Historical Background of the Sueki Excavated from the Gaya Region (가야권역에서 출토된 스에키계토기의 역사적인 배경)

  • SUZUKI, Koki
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.55 no.2
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    • pp.66-79
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    • 2022
  • In the mid-Kofun period, the technology employed in the southern part of the Korean Peninsula had reached the Japanese archipelago, and a Japanese-style unglazed earthenware called Sueki was produced. During the early period of the spread of technology, regional elements from all over the Korean Peninsula remained strong, with production on the Japanese archipelago carried out only in very limited regions. After that, production in all parts of the archipelago began gradually. The Sueki culture was introduced to the Japanese archipelago with the technology of the Korean Peninsula; however, many excavations have been reported in the Korean Peninsula(these excavations are even called Suekitype). Many of these excavations were conducted in Jeolla-do, Yeongnam, and the Yeongsan River basin. As revealed in previous studies, however, many imitations were excavated around Jeolla-do, while Sueki of the Japanese archipelago were excavated from tombs in the Yeongnam area. The excavation period was generally from the late 5th century to the early 6th century(especially from the TK23 to MT15 stage), which is fundamentally different from that of Jeolla-do. Regarding the locations where Sueki were excavated, the majority were found in the tombs of local authorities. They were rarely excavated from the tombs of the royal people. Furthermore, there is no evidence of special meaning given to funeral ceremonies or Sueki in the Japanese archipelago form; therefore, most of them are thought to have been treated the same as unglazed earthenware. Considering the tombs as a whole, influential people(groups, families, and forces) were not only connected to certain areas of the Gaya region but also had complex and larger relationships. In other words, the Sueki excavated from the Yeongnam area may reflect the rise and fall of the forces in each Gaya region and the changes of the Yeongnam period. The role of negotiation and exchange can be seen not only from the fact that influential people in the central government of the Gaya region were involved but also from the existence of areas(groups, families, forces) discovered in the Gaya region indicating mutual relationships.

Transmission Pattern and Meaning of Gyeongbuk East Sea coast Byeolsingut matgut - Focusing on changes in social perception of gut and shaman (경북 동해안별신굿 맞굿의 전승 양상과 의미)

  • Ma, So-Yeon
    • (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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    • no.39
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    • pp.393-413
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    • 2019
  • As one of a shaman song to reveal features of the byeolsin rite, East Sea coast, Gyeongbuk, Korea is matgut have been discussed for a long time. The rite is held to greet other shamans who were invited by a village resident and the highest shaman to perform the rite. When there is no highest shaman in the village, or when the highest shaman lacks the ability to perform the exorcism, other shamans are invited if a person is required to meet the scale of the rite, which is a rite of passage to verify their abilities and to become a community, even while the byeolsingut is held. The best shaman team, or village Pungmul team, and shaman team, When the strings are between them, they play music and struggle with each other, and the strings are lifted, they greet the god of the game at the altar, and the shaman turns around and plays with the field. However, the process of greeting the shaman at the exorcism rite after 2000 and the procedure of "Paggi-bogi" in which shamans take turns singing songs are disappearing. In addition, although the village Pungmul team has participated in the rite as a welcoming party for the shaman team, the purpose of the rite, which is to greet the shaman, is also being tarnished by leaving the role of the village Pungmul team to the outside team. This is due to changes in the villagers' perception of gut and shaman. As in the old days, it was necessary to greet a shaman as a rite of worship, although it was not necessary to confirm its ability to perform the rite of the village, due to the disparity of status. However, after the shaman has been transformed from a 'mysterious' existence into an intangible cultural asset functional owner, the perception of shaman changes and the village confirms the shaman's ability through an intangible cultural asset certificate. In addition, the number of villagers who know the details of the rite is decreasing, and most of the tasks such as preparation and proceedings of the rite are delegated to the shaman to hold the byeolsingut, and the nature of the exorcism of the exorcism is changing.