• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.48 no.2
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• pp.64-81
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• 2015

The Treasure No.165 of Ojukhen is a separate house(別堂) which was still remained as a gentry house in the earliest day. The formative aspects have the important meaning as the history of Korean architecture. Specially the place is famous for Shin, Saim-dang(申師任堂) gave birth to Yulgok(栗谷) Yi, I(李珥). The house was built by one's family of Gangneung Choi clan(江陵崔氏) but Son-in-law inherited the house because there was the practice of inheritance by equal distribution and the mother of Shin, Saim-dang, Yongin Lee clan(龍仁李氏) inherited Gwon, Cheo-kyun(權處均) who was her hrandson under the condition of looking after the tomb. The reason why house name was Ojukhen is that Gwon, Cheo-kyun's another name is Ojukhen. Ojukhen is cultural properties which showed the change of practicing inheritance and ancestral rites. Ojukhen has the special relationship of one's grandson and did not have such of immediate family. This is because there were customs husband had to go to married woman's house and live there during short time. Yongin Lee clan and Shin, Saimdang has lived in the Ojukhen. Yongin Lee clan lived there after marrying. Shin Saimdang also spent a time of living her house after marrying and his son(Yi, I) was born in the place. Yi, I spent their time under Yongin Lee clan and one's mother's parents. Therefore he had a good relationship with his maternal grandmother. This is why his maternal grandmother became a descendant offering sacrifice to his ancestors. The reason why Gwon, Chen-kyun looked after the tomb of Yongin Lee clan was also Gwon, Hwa(權和) became sonin-law who lives with his wife's family. Ojukhen is the showcase of finding the marriage and living manage in the early Joseon Dynasty. The most village of Buk-Pyeong(北坪村) in the Gangneung called by Yi, I's one's mother's parents' home. Since after, the place was changed as the clan village immediate family of Andong Kwang clan(安東權氏) of Gwon, Cheokyun of Chumilgong family(樞密公派). After 17C, there were social historic changings focused on relative group. Ojukhen was the start of changing the clan village. Ojukhen is cultural properties which showed inheritance, relative, marriage in the turning point of Joseon Dynasty.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.31
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• pp.33-52
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• 2011

This study intends to understand Kobong's thought, especially the problem of Self-cultivation. Kobong, along with Toegye(退溪), is a major figure to understand Confucian ideas of Chosun in the 16th century. There has been a lot of research centered on Kobong's Four-beginnings(四端) and Seven-emotions(七情), but not much on the Self-cultivation of Kobong. Confucianism is basically to seek after actualization of Perfect Virtue(仁) and the way to be a sage, through the pursuit of self-discipline(修己 明明德) and social practice(安人 新民). The problems of Confucianism might be summarized as follows: interest and appreciation for the source of existence(知天/事天); harmony in relationships and practices(愛人/愛物); both of the above together. Therefore, Self-cultivation is to change the self, the subject of one's life, through the relationship between man and heaven. Kobong and Toegye had debated for about eight years(1559-1566) over the problem of human nature, especially emotion(情), and virtue and vice(善惡) fundamental position of Toegye is that the difference between Four-beginnings(四端) and Seven-emotions(七情) can be understood as emotion with qualitative distinction. By contrast, Kobong sees the relationship between Four-beginnings(四端) and Seven-emotions(七情) as that of total and partial. Discussion on the Four-beginnings(四端) and Seven-emotions(七情) is not restricted within the problem of logical analysis of concepts or theoretical validity, but come to a conclusion with the problem of Self-cultivation(修養). In this sense, Kobong tried to follow Neo-Confucian theory of human nature and self-cultivation, on the assumption of Confucian self-discipline and social practice.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.32
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• pp.43-78
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• 2011

The two schools which eventually came to form the "Northerners party" in the middle period of the Joseon dynasty, were Nam'myeong school and Hwadam school. Nam'myeong's philosophy, which emphasized the importance and merit of acting upon respect and righteousness(敬義), encouraged many people to organize righteous militias during the war with the Japanese in the 1590s, and when Jeong In-hong established himself as the leader of the Northerners party during the reign of King Gwang'hae-gun, the philosophy of the party and the school continued to thrive. Also, Hwadam's philosophy, which tried to understand Neo-Confucianism from a flexible point of view and demonstrated a level of openness toward it, had a considerable influence upon the Northerners school as well. It seems Nam'myeong Jo Shik and Hwadam Seo Gyeong-deok were the ones who ultimately enabled the Northerners party to be more active in their operations of the government and also to approach more freely toward the ideology of Neo-Confucianism. Prime examples of the party's stance and attitude, and also of the school's philosophy and perception of the world, were figures like Jeong In-hong and Heo Gyun from the 'Majority Northerners(大北) party,' and Kim Shin-guk and Nam I-gong from the 'Minority Northerners(小北) party.'Since the time of King Injo's ascension to the throne in 1623, the philosophical society of Joseon came to be occupied by schools who were deeply committed and dedicated to the teachings of Ju Hi and his Neo-Confucianism, such as the Twe'gye and Yulgok schools, and as a result the Northerners' philosophy was pushed away from its former formidable status. Their political philosophy was also partially responsible for their fall, as they believed only them were the ideal Confucian figures(君子黨), and never appreciated the stances of other political factions. In the middle of the 17th century, passing through a war with the Manchurian Qing dynasty as well, they further became a mere undercurrent. Yet their thinking and philosophy partially survived, as it managed to affect and influence the Southerner school scholars who were living in the vicinity of the capital in the mid and late 17th century, as well as the "Shilhak" scholars such as Yi Ik/李瀷 in the 18th century, on a certain level. The Northerners faction was a party and a school which led the political and philosophical societies of Joseon, alongside the Westerners and Southerners, in the middle period of the Joseon dynasty. Recently, studies of Jo Shik and Seo Gyeong-deok, figures who were the roots of the Northerners faction, and studies of how the Northerners' political philosophy was inherited to the following generations, have been published and announced. All these efforts will enrich future studies dealing with the political history and philosophical history of the middle and latter periods of the Joseon dynasty.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.32
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• pp.309-336
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• 2011

There were various linking points that connect Li xue(Neo-Confucianism) to aesthetics in Song Dynasty as following. 1. The traditional moral as "pursuing pleasure of Kong-zi and Yan Hui" 2. Esteem of "life and vitality". Scholars of Li xue in Song regarded the pleasure of acting up to "benevolence" as a beauty, and this benevolence originated in the "heaven and earth; the universe". "Benevolence", that is to say, is name of the nature that continuous reproduction breed in an endless succession by "Yin-Yang the universe", thus the natural "life and vitality" of the "heaven and earth" as the matter of course is the perfect beauty. 3. An idea of "serene contemplation". Originally the "serene contemplation" belongs to discipline of "Li xue", however simultaneously this conception was entirely applicable to aesthetic point of view. 4. Cosmological consciousness. In the same manner, the "pleasure" which is moralistic and moreover aesthetic is indivisible from cosmic contemplation itself. Because of this point, the art and aesthetics of Song Dynasty self-consciously had the cosmological consciousness in its fullness. 5. Respect of beauty of nature. Scholars of "Li xue" considered as : no matter what "Li" or "Qi" that producing all things is "coming of itself", that is by no means artificially operated or prearranged in advance. Such standpoint was applied to creative art and made art of Song Dynasty esteem beauty of nature (coming of itself) exceedingly. 6. Laying stress on "disposition". Scholars of "Li xue" ordinarily valued much of "disposition of a sage", consequently this tendency influenced on aesthetics. "disposition" indicates the whole impression that one who has appearance and the inside(personality, temper, thought, etc.) gives to others. By putting that impression into practice of art and literature, it is to materialize the works of art as a unity of form and subject, also as an expression of human existence that breathed into one's sensibility on the whole. 7. Principles of "completing inquiry", "study the laws of nature by close access" of "Li xue". These principles made art and literature of Song Dynasty take a serious view of "Li" of all over the universe, so made them close investigate things, and after all have achieved very remarkable characteristic in art and literature, especially in paintings of Song Dynasty. Theory of painting in Song Dynasty had occupied considerably high position in Chinese aesthetic history. It was positively superior to former generations no matter what in quantity or in theoretical minuteness and its systematic level. Undoubtedly the Chinese theory of painting had been achieving development time after time since Song Dynasty. However if we could make a comparison it with every single period (ex. Yuan, Ming, and Qing Dynasties), there is no prominent period than Song Dynasty in theory of paintings. Song period had number of essays of Landscape painting.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.31
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• pp.241-262
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• 2011

In this paper we show how the perception of heavenly principle(天理) and definition of individual desires(私慾) in the five commentaries on Daodejing(道德經) was changed over time. The five commentaries on Daodejing(道德經) composed during $Chos{\breve{o}}n$ are 'Sooneon(醇言) by Lee, Yul-gock (李珥,1536~1584), 'SinJoo-DoDuckKyung (新註道德經) - or New Commentary on Daodejing(道德經) - by Park, Se-dang(朴世堂,1629~1703), 'Dodukjigi(道德指歸)' by Suh, Myoung-euing(徐命膺,1716~1787), 'Chowondamro (椒園談老)' by Lee, Chung-ik(李忠翊,1744~1816), and 'Jungro(訂老)' by Hong, Suk-joo (洪奭周,1774~1842). The course of history in understanding the book, "Daodejing(道德經)," demonstrated that by the late of $Chos{\breve{o}}n$ Dynasty in the 18th century, the notion of 'the moral law for the community' has changed. Neither Suh, Myoung-euing nor Lee, Chung-ik emphasized 'the necessity for the truth of the heavens.'Instead, they focused more on the 'individuals' who followed the moral law than the moral law itself. They did not see the individual desire as the object that had to be discarded. Within the context of this framework, the individual's role had changed from the person who had to be obedient to the law to the subject who judged the moral law all by him/herself. This process of breaking up 'the goodness of the community' led the $Chos{\breve{o}}n$ Dynasty of the 18th century in the transition period to the modern era. In other words, it was the time when the introspection of the 'moral law' prevailed in the $Chos{\breve{o}}n$ Dynasty occurred naturally and spontaneously among the Confucian scholars, which implied the reconceptualization of the 'self-awareness' or 'the point of view on the individual's self-desire' was occurred in the context of academic development during the late $Chos{\breve{o}}n$ Dynasty.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.50
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• pp.201-234
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• 2016

This thesis examined interpreting methodology of Do Won Lew Seung Kug(1923~2011) is based on the principle of Juhng-yaug. His lifelong academic aim was searching for the theory that enables global community to co-exist peacefully through humanitarianism that leads to reconciliation and mutual benefits. The research of the history of Korean thoughts provided him with the clue for his theory. According to Do Won, Korean thoughts pursue the Juhng-yaug's value of 'Yin and Yang accordance' rather than the I-Ching's value of 'suppress Yin and elevate Yang'. He furthermore asserts the concept of the middle (中), which harmonizes the two extremes by human beings as main agents, has been consistently observed from the action of divination during the ancient period through Juhng-yaug in the late 19th century. Do Won identifies 'human maturity that integrates the extremely conflicting insistences and values and seeks to be reconciled' as the basic character of Korean thoughts. He explains 'Hongikingan[弘益人間, becoming beneficial to the human world] is the idea that embraces the conflicting values symbolized by heaven and the earth. He also illuminates that Choe Chi Won(崔致遠)'s created Poongliu Do by integrating heterogeneity among Confucianism, Buddhim, and Daoism and it was attainable through the various works of mature human beings. Both Toe Gye' s philosophy of Ingeuk(人極, the Great Ultimate of Person) and the concept of Innaecheon(人乃天, Human Being right is Heaven) of Donghak are excellent examples of Humanitarianism that sublate two extremes. In Korea, the prototype of this thought has penetrated its entire history in the various circumstances of the period. The grand finale is Juhng-yaug of which the pursued values are 'Yin and Yang accordance' and mature humanitarianism revealed by the thoughts of the Person of the Central Ultimate (皇極人,至人) and Central Ultimate (皇極). Therefore, Humanitarianism in Korean thoughts clearly makes its appearance by the time of Juhng-yaug and it functions as a keyword to illuminate the entire history of Korean thoughts in reverse.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.32
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• pp.79-112
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• 2011

Since Noron(老論) had organized in the period of Sookjong(肅宗), it constantly had led the political situation of Choson until Choson(朝鮮) perished as the grasping political power. Studies and thoughts development of Noron can be devided into four periods. First, the term of politics of faction of the period of Sookjong. Second, a period of Youngjo(英祖) and Joungjo(正祖). Third, a period of politics of power(勢道政治). Fourth, the latter term of 19century. We can look into an origin and development aspect in outline by dividing like this. The general character of Noron can be summarized by the respect of Song Si-yeol(宋時烈, 1607-1689), the theory of a party of a man of virtue(君子黨論) based on the theory of moral civilization of Choson(朝鮮中華論), the succession of Lee i(李珥; 1636-1684)'s neo-confucianism, rejecting all teaching that does not conform to neoconfucianism and protecting right studies, and oppression of Roman Catholic. The noticeable scholars of Noron were Kwon sang Ha(權尙夏; 1641~1721), Kim chang hyup(金昌協; 1651~1708), Lee jea(李縡; 1680~1746) etc. These scholars of Noron following Song Si-yeol had tried to raise "Learning of the Way"(正明道) by respecting Zushi and removing injustice(尊朱子攘夷狄), also believed people should embody moral values in their society and country. and possessed an will guiding to stabilize the country by rejecting uncivilization(尊王攘夷). Above all, they insisted, the King of Choson should rule with 'lighting heavenly reason'(明天理). Also they insisted the King and countrymen should together strive to recover civilization of moral humanity and destroy uncivilzation. But gradually they lost the motive and purpose of moral politics in the seventeenth century. Finally Noron Byeokpa(?派) take over the reins of government. It resulted in the bad effect of politics of autocrat(勢道政治) having their own way to use power of authority after death of Jungjo(正祖). The peculiar character of Noron politics can valued as the extreme aspect of 'according of politics and scholarship'(政學一致).

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.72
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• pp.185-215
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• 2018

This paper discusses the Historical significance of Li-thought at the Hoejae, Lee-Eonjeok's Bongseonjabui. In this study, I tried to derive the value and meaning in the history of the Chosun Dynasty by examining the comparison between the Bongseonjabui and Book of Ancestor-memorial Ceremonies written in the 16th century The following is a summary of the Historical significance of Li-thought of Bongseonjabui. First, it is the first concrete result of the Chosun Dynasty concerning the Family Rituals. Second, it is characterized not only the description of actual procedures but also the explanations of both the theory and reality in Ancestor-memorial Ceremony. Third, it is an example of harmonizing with the national system and the customs of time by applying to the situation of Chosun society at that time. Fourth, it is an example that focuses on the essential meaning of the Ancestor-memorial Ceremony, not the attitude of one side the Zhu Xi's Family Rituals as in the later books.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.54
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• pp.349-386
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• 2014

Noju Oh Hui-sang(1763-1833) is one of the neo-Confucian scholars representing with Hong Chik-pil the Kiho-Nak School from the late 18th to the early 19th century. He did sincerely not only succeed theories of Kiho School originated from Yulgok, but also strengthened the main view of the Nak faction by clarifying the theoretical stance of it derived from Kim Chang-hyop. Not only he does suggest critical points of view against Ho faction in terms of Horak Controversy, but also criticizes heterodox account, which raised by an inner circle of Nak faction. In this vein, Oh established the neo-Confucian ways of realization of morality and ideal society by setting up his own points of view on mind and bright virtues that are followed by various issues of Horak Controversy. My paper will examine the values of Oh's account of Nature-Principle in the light of intellectual historical context by paying a special attention to his critical views of Ho faction. Oh's main idea is how to systematize practical foundation of realizing morality. Thus, he wants to theoretically explain both the practice of morality and the reality of pure moral mind in order to establish concrete practices of them in the real world. In doing so, he pays attention to mutual inclusive relationship between Principle and Matter(ki:氣). The mutual inclusive relationship between them can be exactly applied into the relationship between mind and Nature. So, the realityof moral principle explicitly implies the pure goodness of moral agency. Furthermore, his elucidation of logical relationship between mind and Nature and its values via the ontological understanding of them is to set up a system of cultivation, i.e., realizing practical foundation of pure moral mind. In conclusion, we can evaluate that Oh's account of Nature-Principle, at least, aims not only at establishment of moral agency and its reality in a theoretical dimension, but also at a guarantee of their realization in the world.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.47
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• pp.139-172
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• 2023

This study aims to look into the concept of Human Mind and Moral Mind and the issue of their axiological interpretation in Daesoon Thought. In the Song dynasty, the concept of the Human Mind and Moral Mind was understood as indicating two aspects of the universal Human Mind. Discourse on this theory was undertaken by scholars such as Cheng Yichuan (程伊川), Su Shi (蘇軾), and Zhu Xi (朱熹). The differences between the Human Mind and Moral Mind were interpreted as issues of cultivation. The discussion of the Human Mind and Moral Mind were established through a systematic theory by Zhu Xi, and this developed into various forms of discourse and ideological stances thereafter. One of the most important issues of the Human Mind and Moral Mind theory was its axiological interpretation, which was divided largely into three patterns. One was to interpret the Human Mind and Moral Mind as evil and good respectively (proponents included Cheng Yichuan and Zhu Xi in his early theories), the other one saw them as value-neutral and good (proponents included Zhu Xi, Toegye 退溪, and Yulgok 栗谷), and the last one interpretation held them as pre-evil and pre-good (Dasan 茶山). As the Human Mind and Moral Mind can be seen as a universal human issue, the examination of those patterns in the Confucian tradition would be meaningful for understanding the Human Mind and Moral Mind as a theoretical base in Daesoon Thought. In Daesoon Thought, the Human Mind and Moral Mind are defined as private and public respectively, but no further explanation is provided regarding these items. If we infer by considering the two in the light of the overall ideology and values that Daesoon Jinrihoe pursues, the Human Mind can be said to represent basic biological desires such as clothing, food, and sexual satisfaction all of which are human vital activities needed for the preservation of the human race. The Moral Mind can be seen as a mind that is set upon practicing morality and realizing the ideological aims of 'supporting the nation and comforting the people,' 'vast saving all creatures,' and achieving 'harmony and peace for humankind.' However, the conscience and the selfish mind, which are related axiologically to the Human Mind and the Moral Mind, are defined respectively as good and evil and explained in a relatively systematic way which includes conceptual claims and details on the origin of these aspects of mind. The reason why the discussions of the conscience and selfish mind are more systematically described than the Human Mind and Moral Mind seems to be that issues relating to the conscience and selfish mind are more directly applicable to matters of religious doctrine.