• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.28
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• pp.417-445
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• 2010

There are a few changes about Wangshouren's main tenet during the process of giving lectures. because of the reason that Wangshouren give lectures changed to different disciples, so every student had his different opinion and comprehension do Wangshouren's learning, which is the main reason that Wangshouren's disciples had occurred a difference. In the thinking field of later-Ming, there had occurred a furious argument surrounding the problem of "the Heart is no Goodness and Badness or not", and how to cure the harm of the Xinxue also had become a key issue to the two sides of argument. The donglin school that Guxiancheng was its delegates made a contest with the Xinxue's scholars that Zhourudeng and Guanzhidao were that delegates, which evolved surrounding that issue that "the nature is Good" and "the Heart no Goodness and Badness". In these arguments, the two sides often persist on their own opinions, but hadn't a right understanding for Wangshouren's original meaning. Liujishan and Huanglizhou thought that the meaning of the words "the Heart no Goodness and Badness" was that the Heart have no the intention of Goodness and Badness, not that the Nature was no Goodness and no Badness. So that the opinion of "the Heart no Goodness and Badness" was not the main idea of Wangshouren. Wangji hadn't got the whole meaning of the Four Sentences. Liujishan and Huanglizhou wanted to make a new explaination to Wangshouren's ideas according to literatures and theory.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.31
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• pp.347-374
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• 2011

Along with Hujiwara Seika(藤原惺窩), Hayashi Razan(林羅山) is called the founder of the Japanese Confucianism in the Eto(江戶) era. And it is necessary for us to grasp that how Razan understand the theory of I-Ki(理氣論), then we can investigate the characteristics of his thought. In ordinary, people understand that the theory of I-Ki, as a completed view of the world, is integration of the structure of theory of the neo-Confucianism. So a certain thinker's ideological attitude is determined according to how people understand the theory. And then we can grasp the structure of his view of the world and human. Therefore, the purpose of this paper is to study how Razan had understanded the I(理) and Ki(氣). In spite of a scholar of Zhu Xi(朱熹), Razan didn't accept Zhu's view of I-Ki, he seem to lean toward the view of Wang Yangmings'(王陽明) in the his early learning days. But that doesn't mean he is a scholar of doctrine of Wang Yangming. When he meets the logical contradiction under the process of investigating the problem of Sein and Sollen, he just only to explain it with logic of Ki(氣) which is closed by mind. Meanwhile if we suppose I(理) is pure goodness and there is no things outside of I(理), if so Razan doubts about that where is the root of evil and he try to investigate the answer. In his latter years, Razan takes Zhu Xi's doctrine again get out of the mental attitude to the view of I-Ki(理氣). The outcome of precedent study about Razan points a fact that Razan needs a little more digging into the ieda of 'Fact and Sollen' which had been the reason of ideal confusion of him. But his ideal confusion is not the point of issue. Point is that Razan had understanded I-Ki(理氣) with monistic of Shim(心) in his early years. As a result, that bring about the outcome which exclude ontological thinking, and had come to grips with aspects of Sollen of all things in understanding of the doctrine of Zhu Xi. And I think that is the clue to understanding of Razan's learning.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.42
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• pp.71-103
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• 2014

Park Se-dang (朴世堂, 1629-1703) is a figure rebuked as a "disturbing enemy of the Confucian canon" (斯文亂賊), having composed the Namhwagyeong Joohaesanbo (南華經註解刪補), the sole commentary on every chapter of the Zhuangzi (莊子) in Joseon Dynasty. This article purports to articulate the significance of Park Se-dang's composition of the Namhwagyeong Joohaesanbo within Joseon Dynasty in the 17th century, through the comparison between him and Zhu Xi (朱熹, 1130-1200), the founder of Neo-Confucianism, the mainstream ideology of Joseon Dynasty, in their recognition of the Zhuangzi. Since Neo-Confucianism attained an absolute status as the canonical doctrine in Joseon Dynasty, the other thoughts, including the thoughts of the Laozi and the Zhuangzi, could not be discussed without their relationship with it. Park Se-dang's recognition of the Zhuangzi does not deviate far from Zhu Xi's recognition of it. While his composition of the Namhwagyeong Joohaesanbo might be said to have inherited and deepened Zhu Xi's recognition, it can also be seen as an attempt to escape from Neo-Confucianism in some aspects. Due to this complication, when the faction of the Noron (老論, a faction separated from the Seoin in the Joseon Dynasty, the hard-liners) rebuked him as a "disturbing enemy of the Confucian canon," they did not mention neither his Shinjoo Dodeokgyeong (新註道德經, New Commentary on the Laozi) nor his Namhwagyeong Joohaesanbo. In his Namhwagyeong Joohaesanbo, Park Se-dang does not think that the Zhuangzi is in diametrical opposition to Confucian thoughts. Firstly, he emphasizes that Zhuangzi faces the actual world with ultimately positive concern, though from a critical perspective. Secondly, he seeks common grounds between the thoughts of Zhuangzi and Confucians, proving that Zhuangzi emphasizes human relationships between father and son or between king and subject. Thirdly, he illuminates Zhuangzi's theory of human nature from a new perspective in order to reestablish Confucian theory of human nature. Fourthly, he attempts to apply Zhuangzi's thoughts in order to overcome contemporary consumptive political feuds, including the splits of political factions or the disputes about ritual proprieties (禮訟論爭). Park Se-dang's composition of Shinjoo Dodeokgyeong and Namhwagyeong Joohaesanbo was a complementary measure for Confucianism, his proper mainstay being Confucianism. He attempted to escape, not from Confucianism itself, but from the absolutism of Neo-Confucianism. In the 17th century Joseon Dynasty, when Neo-Confucianism was becoming dogmatized and absolutized as a canonical doctrine and a dominant ideology, Park Se-dang's composition of Namhwagyeong Joohaesanbo was a very innovative attempt, which shows that he established himself as a pioneer to escape Neo-Confucianism, having consolidated his own unique and progressive academic province, differentiating himself from traditional Confucian scholars in his objective.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.47
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• pp.139-172
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• 2023

This study aims to look into the concept of Human Mind and Moral Mind and the issue of their axiological interpretation in Daesoon Thought. In the Song dynasty, the concept of the Human Mind and Moral Mind was understood as indicating two aspects of the universal Human Mind. Discourse on this theory was undertaken by scholars such as Cheng Yichuan (程伊川), Su Shi (蘇軾), and Zhu Xi (朱熹). The differences between the Human Mind and Moral Mind were interpreted as issues of cultivation. The discussion of the Human Mind and Moral Mind were established through a systematic theory by Zhu Xi, and this developed into various forms of discourse and ideological stances thereafter. One of the most important issues of the Human Mind and Moral Mind theory was its axiological interpretation, which was divided largely into three patterns. One was to interpret the Human Mind and Moral Mind as evil and good respectively (proponents included Cheng Yichuan and Zhu Xi in his early theories), the other one saw them as value-neutral and good (proponents included Zhu Xi, Toegye 退溪, and Yulgok 栗谷), and the last one interpretation held them as pre-evil and pre-good (Dasan 茶山). As the Human Mind and Moral Mind can be seen as a universal human issue, the examination of those patterns in the Confucian tradition would be meaningful for understanding the Human Mind and Moral Mind as a theoretical base in Daesoon Thought. In Daesoon Thought, the Human Mind and Moral Mind are defined as private and public respectively, but no further explanation is provided regarding these items. If we infer by considering the two in the light of the overall ideology and values that Daesoon Jinrihoe pursues, the Human Mind can be said to represent basic biological desires such as clothing, food, and sexual satisfaction all of which are human vital activities needed for the preservation of the human race. The Moral Mind can be seen as a mind that is set upon practicing morality and realizing the ideological aims of 'supporting the nation and comforting the people,' 'vast saving all creatures,' and achieving 'harmony and peace for humankind.' However, the conscience and the selfish mind, which are related axiologically to the Human Mind and the Moral Mind, are defined respectively as good and evil and explained in a relatively systematic way which includes conceptual claims and details on the origin of these aspects of mind. The reason why the discussions of the conscience and selfish mind are more systematically described than the Human Mind and Moral Mind seems to be that issues relating to the conscience and selfish mind are more directly applicable to matters of religious doctrine.

• Journal of Sasang Constitutional Medicine
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• v.11 no.1
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• pp.1-13
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• 1999

Lee Je-ma created Sasang Constitutional Medicine from the insight of different congenital formation of Viscera which was based on his own Morpho-Imaganary recognition of human beings. The basic principles to understand human beings are as follows. The first, human beings are morphologically figured based on the human nature. The Second, Morpho-lmaganary recognition was the understanding to all the things including human with the rule of society and the relationships. affairs-mind-body-objects. The Morpho-Imaganary characteristics of Sasang Constitutional Medicine are as follows. The first, Sasang Constitutional Medicine recognize the symptoms and diseases as the aspect of structure and function at the same time. The second, it recognize the symptoms and diseases with the viewpoint of Change.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.35 no.1
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• pp.36-47
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• 2017

In this research, sematic comparative study on formative idea and landscape elements composition was made between Soswaewon which was a remote villa garden in Joseon Dynasty and Canglang Pavilion which was built at a time when Neo-confucianism had been created in Song dynasty. From which the summary was resulted as below: Firstly, Soswaewon was fully devoted to Neo-confucianism among Korean remote villa gardens, Canglang-Pavilion was deeply affiliated with Neo-confucianism the deep-rooted thought. Adding a comment, as a richly historied Chinese private garden it was the best preserved even now and the farmost point from now and approximately 500 years advanced than Soswaewon, moreover Sosunheum the builder belonged to gentry society in Song dynasty. Secondly, Both Soswaewon and Canglang-Pavilion were remarkable thank to nature friendly concept which was deeply rooted in the eremitic thought(隱逸思想). Most of all, it might be interpreted the location of Soswaewon lay down in a mountain, as to be swallow hidden(小隱) but that of Canglang-Pavilion lay down in a city, as to be middle hidden(中隱). Thirdly, approaching with comparative study to gardens' factors implicated in symbolization when naming both Soswaewon and Canglang-Pavilion, neo-confucianism in Song dynasty in which diverse thoughts ranging Confucianism and Buddhism and Taoism had formed ensemble and developed was deeply built in Soswaewon, as to be in consistency to nature and to be a basis for comprehending diverse symbolization factors found in Canglang-Pavilion. Fourthly, given that forms or factors of gardens was tangibly came up with thoughts' variation we surely underwent to comparative study. Through which we could know Soswaewon was made by maximizing use of nature but minimizing addition of artificial things. In other words, it was trial of expressing semantic feature of the site in a way blending natural circumstance and liberal one. One of the representatives, Daebongdae in Soswaewon was a site where the owner's idea came up with. Scenary was recreated and nature was represented in interspace of Canglang-Pavilion with the high wall around the border, for which it renounced the world. To the end, it was understood there was the location characteristic of Canglang-Pavilion which let us look down from mountain and take some time for introspection. It might be said that the cultural root was in common between Korea and China, however it was found there were lots of differences in forms and features of gardens. We were able to interpret that social and cultural background were led to gardens' formation in which individual characteristic of two nations were blended, from which difference was resulted.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.32
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• pp.309-336
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• 2011

There were various linking points that connect Li xue(Neo-Confucianism) to aesthetics in Song Dynasty as following. 1. The traditional moral as "pursuing pleasure of Kong-zi and Yan Hui" 2. Esteem of "life and vitality". Scholars of Li xue in Song regarded the pleasure of acting up to "benevolence" as a beauty, and this benevolence originated in the "heaven and earth; the universe". "Benevolence", that is to say, is name of the nature that continuous reproduction breed in an endless succession by "Yin-Yang the universe", thus the natural "life and vitality" of the "heaven and earth" as the matter of course is the perfect beauty. 3. An idea of "serene contemplation". Originally the "serene contemplation" belongs to discipline of "Li xue", however simultaneously this conception was entirely applicable to aesthetic point of view. 4. Cosmological consciousness. In the same manner, the "pleasure" which is moralistic and moreover aesthetic is indivisible from cosmic contemplation itself. Because of this point, the art and aesthetics of Song Dynasty self-consciously had the cosmological consciousness in its fullness. 5. Respect of beauty of nature. Scholars of "Li xue" considered as : no matter what "Li" or "Qi" that producing all things is "coming of itself", that is by no means artificially operated or prearranged in advance. Such standpoint was applied to creative art and made art of Song Dynasty esteem beauty of nature (coming of itself) exceedingly. 6. Laying stress on "disposition". Scholars of "Li xue" ordinarily valued much of "disposition of a sage", consequently this tendency influenced on aesthetics. "disposition" indicates the whole impression that one who has appearance and the inside(personality, temper, thought, etc.) gives to others. By putting that impression into practice of art and literature, it is to materialize the works of art as a unity of form and subject, also as an expression of human existence that breathed into one's sensibility on the whole. 7. Principles of "completing inquiry", "study the laws of nature by close access" of "Li xue". These principles made art and literature of Song Dynasty take a serious view of "Li" of all over the universe, so made them close investigate things, and after all have achieved very remarkable characteristic in art and literature, especially in paintings of Song Dynasty. Theory of painting in Song Dynasty had occupied considerably high position in Chinese aesthetic history. It was positively superior to former generations no matter what in quantity or in theoretical minuteness and its systematic level. Undoubtedly the Chinese theory of painting had been achieving development time after time since Song Dynasty. However if we could make a comparison it with every single period (ex. Yuan, Ming, and Qing Dynasties), there is no prominent period than Song Dynasty in theory of paintings. Song period had number of essays of Landscape painting.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.43
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• pp.9-32
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• 2014

Until now, the studies researching the Taoism theories of Joseon Dynasty have mainly dealt around the latter half of Joseon Dynasty. The reason for that was because the 5 cribs of a book Lao Tzu and the 2 crib of a book Changzi were produced after the Imjin-Year Korean-Japanese War(壬辰倭亂,Imjin Waeran). Therefore this thesis extracted the mentions about Taoism from about 200-year history records from Jeong Do-Jeon's Theory, which was the theoretical foundation for early days of Joseon's foundation and the history book King Taejong's Annals(太宗實錄) contained in The Annals of Joseon Dynasty(朝鮮王朝實 錄) and analyzed the extracted historic data as the first work contemplating how the Taoism theories were developed during the first half of Joseon Dynasty. From the analysis, this study drew out the findings as follows. Jeong Do-Jeon and Gwon Geun sharply criticized the Taoism for that it pursued for the techniques of longevity for oneself without moral. They tried to establish the identity of neo-Confucianism on the foundation criticizing the Taoism and the Buddhism. Since then, the Taoism was transformed through the 3 stages in The Annals of Joseon Dynasty. The first stage was the stage transformed 'Lao Tzu' as the witchcraft master of long-live, the technique of the taoist hermit and the super god in Taoism, and regarded the Taoism as heresy and excluded the Taoism. Second stage was the stage trying to see the book Lao Tzu as the core of Taoism theory separately from the 'Hermit Witchcraft' and the 'Taoist gods' the target of fortune-pursue religion beyond from the primary discussion of exclusion. Third stage was revealed as the respects on the art of politics and the art of living described in the book Lao Tzu. That is, the Taoism theories in the first half of Joseon Dynasty was developed with various spectrums from the early days of Joseon's foundation to 15~16 centuries beyond Joseon's strong suppression against the Taoism and the Buddhism in early days. That is the point that the Taoism in the first half of Joseon Dynasty can't be simply interpreted in the neo-Confucianism. During the firs half of Joseon Dynasty, the warm attitude toward the Taoism was created differently from the attitude against suppressing it as a cult, which had been created in the early days of Josen's foundation, and there appeared the changes accepting the art of living and the art of politics theoretically integrating with the Confucianism theories. That is, the book 'Lao Tus' became accepted as the Confucian country's arts of living and politics from a cult book pursuing for immoral log and immortal life. Such acception is revealed as the appearance actively interpreting the books about Laoism in the latter half o Joseon Dynasty.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.41 no.1
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• pp.10-20
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• 2023

Zhū Xī, the representative of Confucianism, and Báiyùchán, the representative of Taoism in the South Song Dynasty, showed different sense of appreciation and enjoyment on the same space that was Mountain Wǔyí in their ideologically cultural ways. Based on the temples Wŭyíjīngshè(武夷精舍) where Zhū Xī stayed and Zhĭzhĭān(止止庵) where Báiyùchán resided, this study revealed their lives in such temples to look into their appreciation on ideology and space. Then, based on the words 'YiBoEumYeong [移步吟詠]' shown on the poetry they chanted in relation with Wǔyíjiǔqū from its 1^st valley to its 9^th valley, this study examines their understanding of scenery and system of appreciation that appeared in dynamic ways to conclude: First, even same scenery shows different understanding of scenery and appreciation of space in accordance with the viewers' thinking ways of culture. Second, as the Confucianism and Taoism influenced in ideologically cultural ways to develop each other in the Song dynasty, they absorbed their merits each other to supplement shortcomings in their own. In this process, they made it clear that their own propositions were different between them in their essential meanings although they used common terms for such propositions. Third, as the Confucian master who compiled the Neo-Confucianism of the South Song dynasty, Zhū Xī regarded Wŭyíjīngshè and Wǔyíjiǔqū as a place of learning and a place of seeking the truth to go for 'being unified with nature' so that everyday life can be united with Tao of Li [理] everywhere beyond the limited appreciation of the scenery. That is, this thought works for 'recovery of nature of our own [復其性]', the learning goal of Confucianism, and is aimed to 'cultivate the essential nature of our own(性情涵養)' through such beautiful nature. Fourth, as the master of Keumdan family of the South Song Taoism, Báiyùchán regarded Zhĭzhĭān and Wǔyíjiǔqū as a Taoist temple that has a long history rooting from Taesangwon temple, a clean place of discipline to become a Taoist hermit through hard training. He, therefore, directly referred to Zhĭzhĭān and Wǔyíjiǔqū in relation with the Taoist legends remaining in Wǔyíjiǔqū such as hermits' dinners, female hermits, leaving the human world as a hermit and so on as ways for becoming a hermit so that he went for the level of perfectly going out of human world and becoming a hermit. He, therefore, defined Mountain Wǔyí as a world and universe of hermits where he himself too hovered between outside and inside of poetry literature as a hermit through the mood and attitude of keeping himself enjoying the scenery as a hermit.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.36
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• pp.31-56
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• 2009

The core thought of Confucius("論語") is 'Ren(仁)'. Then, how ought we to interpret this 'Ren(仁)'? In this study, the researcher has interpreted 'Ren(仁)' from the perspective of Xiujizhiren(修己治人), which is the doctrine of Confucianism and its ideal. At first, the researcher closely reviewed Ren(仁) on the viewpoint of Xiuyang (修養). Ren(仁) is the most fundamental virtue that enables general populace to equip with their qualification as a human being. Specifically, to live like a human being, Ren(仁) is a must. That is to say, it will suffice if we only can expose well what was already cherished inside us, rather than exerting efforts to attain Ren(仁), in some contexts, that must achieve in order to live like a human being. The reason that we exert our efforts for self-cultivation is to bring this Ren(仁), which is foundation of human life, before the public. Even in relationship-building, Ren(仁) is necessary. Human being is not an existence that can live alone, but at all times, humans are required to build a relationship with others. To make this relationship-building lead into right direction, we need to think of that the standpoint of oneself and the other are identical. That is, when I myself and the other person are in the most optimal situation, then a right relationship-building can take place. This most optimal status is Ren(仁). The ideal of Confucianism is to establish a society where all people can enjoy their comfortable life. To accomplish such a society, each individual and society ought to be benevolent and to cherish humanity at the first place. That is to say, people should attain Ren(仁) from both aspects of Xiuji(修己) and Zhiren (治人). If Ren(仁) has not been attained from any of either side, then it is hard to say that the ideal of Confucianism is completely realized. However, Zhiren(治人) must be backed up by Xiuji(修己). For this reason, Kongzi(孔子) presented three steps in connection with this cultivation process, to wit, 'Cultivation of himself in reverential carefulness'(修己以敬) ${\rightarrow}$ 'Cultivation of himself so as to give rest to others'(修己以安人) ${\rightarrow}$ 'Cultivation of himself so as to give rest to all the people'(修己以安百姓). It is noticeable that Xiuji(修己) is included in all three phases. The society that Kongzi(孔子) longed for is still valid in this modern world. Therefore, Ren(仁) which was edified by Kongzi(孔子) is necessary for today's society. If we don't interpret Ren(仁) as with a fixed term lying stagnant in one place, then its definition shall be interpreted newly so as to suit the times and the situation of civil society, thus this Ren(仁) shall be the foundation for building a desirable society for humans.