• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.69
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• pp.297-324
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• 2017

Recognizing that the ideological nature of Taoist Gwonseonseo whose publication was concentrated during the reign of King Gojong was connected to that of Jeoseungjeon, a Hangul manuscript novel in the 19th century, this study set out to examine the periodic significance of Taoist Gwonseonseo in the 19th century and check the ideological nature of Jeoseungjeon. Taoist Gwonseonseo puts an emphasis on Confucian ethics including loyalty and filial piety in a didactic aspect and shows that the practice of Confucian ethics brings good fortune, which was prominent in many private Taoist books that were huge hits in the latter part of Joseon, when Chinese Taoist Gwonseonseo was introduced in Joseon, translated and circulated in Korean, and spread widely among the public. Those works offer very specific cases of individuals doing good or evil deeds in this world and suffering the consequences in the next world. Jeoseungjeon presents the Buddhist experiences with the next world as the foundation with the next world depicted around the Great Jade Emperor, who emphasizes Confucian ethics, and the hierarchy of Taoist gods under the ultimate the Great Jade Emperor, thus clearly demonstrating the combination pattern of Confucianism, Buddhism, and Taoism in the latter half of Joseon. The work describes the scenes of judgment and punishment in the next world according to the witness of the main character and thus gives specific ideas of daily goods, which is a feature found in the latter half of Joseon different from the previous pattern of next world experiences. It is Taoist Gwonseonseo widely spread among the people those days that connects the link.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.33
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• pp.31-56
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• 2008

Jang Hyeon-gwang(張顯光, 1554-1637), whose pseudonym or courtesy name is 'Yeoheon(旅軒)', had made a thorough study on the intrinsic nature of Neo-Confucianism in a more sincere fashion, when comparing him with other Neo-Confucianists in Joseon period. Also he was a renowned scholar who expanded its philosophical system in-depth. Yeoheon thereby had strengthened his philosophical system accordant with the Great Learning(大學) and Doctrine of the Mean(中庸), which are the fundamental systems of Neo-Confucianistic education. Based on such considerations, Yeoheon's thought on education can be illuminated from three different perspectives. First, Yeoheon deepened his a theory of good governance by a virtuous ruler(聖人君主論, pronounced, 'Seongingunjuron') as the standard of education. Essentially, his theory pursues Refraining from desire, and preserving the laws of nature(存天理?人欲, pronounced, 'Joncheolliarinnyok'), and put emphasis on ethical awakening, and the governance through a virtue of moral excellence. Second, Yeoheon stressed the learning theories related to 'sincerity' or true heart(誠) and 'piety' or 'respect'(敬)) as the form of education(誠敬, pronounced, 'Seonggyeong'). Also he expounded that people needs "to establish a ground of Respect and Sincerity in their mind." He recognized the differences between the two virtues, meanwhile, however, he understood it as in an identical context. Third, Yeoheon advocated harmony between separation and integration(分合, pronounced, 'Bunhap') as a method for education. Through his unique 'Discourse on Longitude and Latitude', dubbed, 'Li-Gi Gyeongwiseol (理氣經緯說) in which the principle(Li, 理) is equal to the intrinsic energy or material force(Gi, 氣), he maintained his view on the Doctrine of the Mean, in that he was not inclined to either sides according to the logic of Change(易, pronounced 'Yeok'). When reviewing Yeoheon's contemplation in education in the meaning of modern education, he laid the standards for education on the establishment of morality, and he also provides us with an idea which induces us to look through the form and method for education from the perspective of Doctrine of the Mean. In short, Yeoheon's view on education embodies wisdom of traditional Neo-Confucianistic Education having consistency, and it provides for an implication of the review of the importance of the balance in relation to methodological bias toward confusion in the standards for modern education, and unsystematic contents therein.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.41
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• pp.179-217
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• 2022

Concerning the differences in the tales between the Investigation of Historical Remains of Patriarch Jinmuk (hereafter, IHRPJ), as well as those which appear in Jeungsanist Thought and Daesoon Thought, previous studies view such differences as Jeungsan's intentional modification of the original intent of the narratives or as indicating differences in beliefs and values. This style of interpretation seeks to reconcile both Korean Buddhism and Jeungsanist and Daesoon Thought based on the premise that the former and the latter two exhibit differences in values. This study accepts the above view of the differences in description according to values. However, the differences between the tales of Jinmuk that appears in IHRPJ versus those in The Canonical Scripture can be approached from a new perspective, i.e., the differences that exist between literary and oral traditions; rather than only stemming from potential differences in the world views espoused by Buddhism and Daesoon Thought. These refer to the IHRPJ, which was constructed first as literary narratives in the 19th century; however, there was also folklore that had been handed down from the 18th century. As a result of examining the relationship between Jinmuk and Bonggok via this interpretive horizon, the contents of the IHRPJ are found to reflect the values and intentions of the intellectual class, such those held by Master Cho-ui and Kim Ki-jong, whereas oral traditions can be seen as a reflection of the hopes of the people of the late Joseon Dynasty. Jeungsan should also be interpreted as having utilized folklore in his teachings. Meanwhile, the circumstances and intentions behind publishing the IHRPJ are analyzed in the context of the text's historical background and the relationship between Confucianism and Buddhism during the 16th through 19th centuries. In particular, through the Compilations of Wandang and the collection of writings of Buddhist monastics, I have evaluated that Confucianism needed to purify and correct materials according to the ideology of the times in order to promote a spirit of morality and courtesy. Likewise, Buddhist Master Cho-Ui also embellished records to benefit Buddhism and deleted oral records that could harm the reputation of Buddhism. On the other hand, when viewing Records of Shrine Renovation and existing oral traditions, it can be shown that some Jinmuk tales existed in the 18 th century which were not included in the IHRPJ. Thereby, Jeungsan's description of Jinmuk tales can be reappraised as accepting the oral secular tradition that conveyed the wishes of the people. In other words, compared to the IHRPJ, which reflects only the harmonious content of Confucianism and Buddhism due to political and social factors, The Canonical Scripture reflects oral traditions that were widespread during the late Joseon Dynasty. As evidence, it can be suggested that there are many narratives about the relationship between Jinmuk and Bonggok that center on Bonggok's jealousy and the murder of Jinmuk. Jeungsan aimed to encompass people of all classes according to their minds and wills rather than their political positions or statuses. Therefore, Jeungsan did not need to rewrite the narrative content that had been passed down via oral tradition. Instead he embraced those narratives as a projection of the voices of the people.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.31
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• pp.241-262
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• 2011

In this paper we show how the perception of heavenly principle(天理) and definition of individual desires(私慾) in the five commentaries on Daodejing(道德經) was changed over time. The five commentaries on Daodejing(道德經) composed during $Chos{\breve{o}}n$ are 'Sooneon(醇言) by Lee, Yul-gock (李珥,1536~1584), 'SinJoo-DoDuckKyung (新註道德經) - or New Commentary on Daodejing(道德經) - by Park, Se-dang(朴世堂,1629~1703), 'Dodukjigi(道德指歸)' by Suh, Myoung-euing(徐命膺,1716~1787), 'Chowondamro (椒園談老)' by Lee, Chung-ik(李忠翊,1744~1816), and 'Jungro(訂老)' by Hong, Suk-joo (洪奭周,1774~1842). The course of history in understanding the book, "Daodejing(道德經)," demonstrated that by the late of $Chos{\breve{o}}n$ Dynasty in the 18th century, the notion of 'the moral law for the community' has changed. Neither Suh, Myoung-euing nor Lee, Chung-ik emphasized 'the necessity for the truth of the heavens.'Instead, they focused more on the 'individuals' who followed the moral law than the moral law itself. They did not see the individual desire as the object that had to be discarded. Within the context of this framework, the individual's role had changed from the person who had to be obedient to the law to the subject who judged the moral law all by him/herself. This process of breaking up 'the goodness of the community' led the $Chos{\breve{o}}n$ Dynasty of the 18th century in the transition period to the modern era. In other words, it was the time when the introspection of the 'moral law' prevailed in the $Chos{\breve{o}}n$ Dynasty occurred naturally and spontaneously among the Confucian scholars, which implied the reconceptualization of the 'self-awareness' or 'the point of view on the individual's self-desire' was occurred in the context of academic development during the late $Chos{\breve{o}}n$ Dynasty.

• Journal of Physiology & Pathology in Korean Medicine
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• v.19 no.1
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• pp.29-37
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• 2005

According to Confucianism, the world before Confucius focused on respecting the heaven which meant that everything could be done by the heaven. After the period of Confucianism, Joo-Ja asserted that everything could be done by nature. During the Chosun Dynasty, philosophers such as Seo Kyung-duck, Lee Hwang, and Lee Yi talked about four characters and seven passions of human being. They started to focus more on the inside of human nature. During the later period of the Chosun Dynasty, a philosopher by the name of Dongmugong Lee Jema analyzed that one's nature and feelings can change his or her external matter and the function of internal organs by purity or impurity of one's mind. Based on these analysis, Dongmugong discovered 'sasangin' which puts more emphasis on one's state of mind compared to the outside the world. Also, Dongmugong tried to figure out the connections between Confucianism and medical science. If you use change fire and stone theory which is difference between hado and nock-seo to expain four seven theory one's mind could be define as four natural characters and seven feelings. From four seven theory four is ying and seven is yang. This is the method of cure and understand the structure of human body. And also, four natural characters and seven feelings can be divided into heaven and earth. You can see Four natural characters is far more similar to heaven and seven feelings are similar to earth. According to four-seven theory hado is permanent and you can find out 'sasangin' is permanent also. Since seven feelings are influenced by sam-jae, you can analogize there are 21 different types in 'sasangin'. An underlying principle should there be 28 different types of sasangin instead of 21 different types of sasangin but one quater of sasangin is hidden according to samhyuniljang theory. All creations in the world are organized by unification of the great absolute and symmetry distinction of yingyang. With these facts identity of the heaven, earth and man which is named samjae generates symbols of independent sasang. And also, sasang generates relations between five element, six energy and the six family relation. From six family relation comes seven feelings of man which creates a category of the eight trigrams for divination and unification of nine palace. All these process are united.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.53
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• pp.131-163
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• 2017

We were already thrown into the modern by the Japanese before reflecting the relevance of modernization and acceptance, and the value of the modern was postponed. The late period of Chosun, people sank into a state of torpor and traditional culture and ideology has caused people to have a negative perception of modern times.Modern times, however, are defined in the relative concept of tradition and modernity in the history of modern times. In order to understand the modern era and its origin, it is necessary to look squarely at the face of modernity. Failure of modern times is a failure of traditional succession.So, if we analyze the causes of the failure of the traditional heritage, why can't we see some of the reasons why we perceive it as a failure? In this thesis, it seeks to understand the diverse views of the traditional elites of the journal and the newspaper, which are published in the traditional education of the journal, and are looking at a variety of views. Moreover, we should seek to explore the traditional elements of the new tradition by discussing the aspects of the educational problems caused by the cause of the accidental break and the educational problems caused by its results.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.38
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• pp.275-302
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• 2013

The purpose of this paper is to investigate Chu Hsi's theory of Ge Wu by analyzing the $L{\ddot{u}}$ shi daxuexie (呂氏大學解) in the Critique of Adulterated Learning (雜學辨). Critique of Adulterated Learning was written by Chu Hsi(朱熹) for the purpose of criticizing the confucian scholars who inclined to Taoism and Buddhism. Chu Hsi criticized $L{\ddot{u}}$ Pen-chung(呂本中)'s theory of Ge Wu Zhi Zhi, especially focusing on his understandings based on the Buddhist tendency. $L{\ddot{u}}$ Pen-chung considered Ge Wu Zhi Zhi as the processes of emerging Liang Zhi of the Subject to discipline by investigating the Li of things. He said "Regard an awakening as the standard of Ge Wu Zhi Zhi", as he payed more attention to the mind of the Subject rather than a long process of accumulation of Li. In comparison with him, Chu Hsi considered enormous each step to accumulate Li as more important to reach the completions of knowledge. Especially, while grasping Li, he considered they should have an understandings of things from the routines to the origins of the principles - that is from the principles of things to the reasons of things are. Chu Hsi approached to the Ge Wu in the meaning of political theory in his early days. However, Chu Hsi expands the width of his thought with a theoretical tool of 'Li-i fen-shu (理一分殊)' in the course of criticizing $L{\ddot{u}}$ Pen-chung's theory of Ge Wu Zhi Zhi. In that sense, His criticism of $L{\ddot{u}}$ Pen-chung(呂本中)'s theory was not only the process of struggling against Buddhist philosophies, but also the process of deepening of his philosophy.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.36
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• pp.57-83
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• 2009

Confucius who lived an era as cosmic being 2500 years ago put an end to confusion of the time and proposed cultivating the self(修養) as a way to live everyone's human life. Confucius recognized that when one satisfies individual' desire and sticks to the self without knowing the self which is comic being, his home and further his nation must get into confusion. What Confucius put an end to the confused world and proposed how to live humanly is self-culture. Confucius considered that when one cultivates himself, he can obtain benevolence(ren(仁)) and be a wise man(君子) who can maintain his nature soundly. What Confucius proposed as a way of self-culture is to acquire by learning timely and practicing and live a practical life by looking back upon himself every minute for self-reflection(省察). Through this, he can be sound to practice benevolence, and finally get used to benevolence and stroll around benevolence. When one acquires benevolence, the key of one mind, actual and social confusion can be solved, from the viewpoint of Confucius. Through this, self-culture is the purposive key word to accomplish benevolence which is a key of Confucius thoughts, and the first step toward benevolence. That is why Confucianism says train myself to be a man of honor and let the others(the people) lead(Sugi Anin(修己安人)). The reason why overall the Analects of Confucius from "Hakyi(學而)" to "Yowal(堯曰)" discusses self-culture is that the self-culture is a basis to manage the world.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.53 no.4
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• pp.234-249
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• 2020

The dispute involving the construction of the Tomb of Queen Sindeok (hereinafter "Jeongreung"), King Taejo's wife in Seoul, and the moving of that tomb, represents the most clearly demonstrated case for the collision of new and old ideologies between political powers in the early period of Joseon. Jeongreung, the tomb of Queen Sindeok from the Kang Clan, was built inside the capital fortress, but in 1409, King Taejong forced the tomb to be moved outside the capital, and the stone relics remaining at the original location were used to build the stone bridge, Gwangtong-gyo. In an unofficial story, King Taejong moved the tomb outside the capital and used the stone items there to make the Cheonggyecheon Gwang-gyo so that the people would step upon the area in order to curse Lady Kang. In the final year of King Taejo, Lady Kang and King Taejong were in a politically conflictual relationship, but they were close to being political partners until King Taejo became the king. Sillok records pertaining to the establishment of Jeongreung or Gwangtong-gyo in fact state things more plainly, indicating that the moving of Jeongreung was a result of following the sangeon (a written statement to the king) of Uijeongbu (the highest administrative agency in Joseon), which stated that having the tomb of a king or queen in the capital was inappropriate, and since it was close to the official quarter of envoys, it had to be moved. The assertion that it was aimed at degrading Jeongreung in order to repair Gwangtong-gyo thus does not reflect the factual relationship. This article presents the possibility that the use of stone items from Jeongreung to repair Gwangtong-gyo reflected an emerging need for efficient material procurement that accompanied a drastic increase in demand for materials required in civil works both in- and outside the capital. The cause for constructing Jeongreung within the capital and the cause of moving the tomb outside the capital would therefore be attributable to the heterogeneity of the ideological backgrounds of King Taejo and King Taejong. King Taejo was the ruler of the Confucius state, as he reigned through the Yeokseong Revolution, but he constructed the tomb and Hongcheon-sa, the temple in the capital for his wife Queen Sindeok. In this respect, it is considered that, with the power of Buddhism, there was an attempt to rally supporters and gather the force needed to establish the authority of Queen Sindeok. Yi Seong-gye, who was raised in the Dorugachi clan of Yuan, lived as a military man in the border area, and so he would not have had a high level of understanding in Confucian scholarship. Rather, he was a man of the old system with its 'Buddhist" tendency. On the other hand, King Taejong Yi Bang-won was an elite Confucian student who passed the national examination at the end of the Goryeo era, and he is also known to have held a profound understanding of Neo-Confucianism. To state it differently, it would be reasonable to say that the understanding of symbolic implications for the capital would be more profound in a Confucian state. Since the national system that was ruled by laws had been established following the Three-Kingdom era, the principle of burial outside of the capital that would have seen a grave constructed on the outskirts of the capital was not upheld, without exception. Jeongreung was built inside the capital due to the strong individual desire of King Taejo, but since he was a Confucian scholar prior to becoming king, it would not have been accepted as desirable. After taking the throne, King Taejong took the initiative to begin overhauling the capital in order to reflect his intent to clearly realize Confucian ideology emphasizing 'Yechi' ("ruling with good manners") with the scenic view of the Capital's Hanyang river. It would be reasonable to conclude accordingly that the moving of Jeongreung was undertaken in the context of such a historic background.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.35 no.3
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• pp.67-75
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• 2017

The culture of Gugok (九曲) and Dongcheon (洞天), which tries to reach the ideological culmination in Confucianism, was widespread throughout the Joseon dynasty. This was an extension of the spirit of studying and honoring Zhu Xi (學朱子, 尊朱子); thereby, Confucian scholars in Joseon expressed the will to follow the teachings of Zhu Xi (朱子) and comforted themselves that they were in the course of attaining the truth. As a realization of this expression of will, scholars designated and operated various scenic sites as Gugoks, following the example of Zhu Xi's Mui Gugok (武夷九曲), and Dongcheons, as a representation of the utopia. These designations are widespread nationwide, with around sixty Gugok locations that have now been reported in academia. However, the actual number of Gugoks exceeds this number, and many of them are currently not identified concerning the exact locations. Therefore, the purpose of this study is to identify the locations of Gugoks and Dongcheons scattered around Seoul, Gyeonggi and Gangwon regions. For the coordinates of Gugoks and Dongcheons, this study referred to the literature, web search and the books published by local cultural institutes. Based on the collected information, the researchers conducted field trips to investigate whether the record exists as a real location and, if so, acquired their coordinates. This study also provides the tables of Gugok or Dongcheon that only exists in the imagination, existed before but now are lost, or are inaccessible. Eight locations in Seoul, Gyeonggi, and Gangwon regions are understood as Gugok. Among them, Gogun Gugok and Okgye Gugok have relatively clear locations and records. Byeokgye Gugok and Suhoe Gugok, on the other hand, has many locations and titles overlapped, and their established time and managers are unclear. As for Ui Gugok in Seoul, it is known to be set by Hong Yangho, but some parts of its locations are confirmed, others are in dispute, and many locations are damaged. Thirty-eight locations in Seoul, Gyeonggi, and Gangwon regions are understood as Dongcheon. There are sixteen Dongcheons in Seoul area. Among them, those including Dohwa Dongcheon, Yangsan Dongcheon, and Ssangnyu Dongcheon actually exist but are forbidden to be accessed. There are thirteen Dongcheons in Gyeonggi area. The exact location of Onsu Dongcheon cannot be confirmed because of the development; Gwirae Dongcheon has historical records, but the actual existence cannot be confirmed. There are nine Dongcheons in Gangwon area. The researcher judged that Hwaeum Dongcheon is the misspelled record of Hwaeumdong Jeongsaji (華陰洞精舍址), which is located at the upstream of Gogun Gugok.