• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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• no.119
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• pp.1-33
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• 2017

This article explore the relation between meritocracy and democracy in the context of South-Korea's confucian modernity. It starts with the confirmation that South-Korea's confucian-meritocratic tradition has positive influence on democracy, in similar way as in the western countries where meritocracy was as a basis for democracy evaluated. But meritocracy has not always the positive implication for democracy. This article shows that meritocracy is in its essence 'an ideology of the betrayal' which destroy the basis of democracy through producing and justifying extreme socio-economic inequalities between citizens. But the long confucian-meritocratic tradition of East Asia makes meritocracy ideology attractive for the people, so even the temptation of the 'political meritocracy' is strong, as we see in Singapore and China. This article argues that the political meritocracy cannot be the alternative of democracy, seeks the different way to overcome the crisis of democracy than meritocracy indicate. Finally, it discusses shortly which implications this sort of relation between meritocracy and democracy for the future of South-Korean democracy can have.

• 한국사회복지학회:학술대회논문집
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• 1999.04a
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• pp.456-472
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• 1999

• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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• v.145
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• pp.1-43
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• 2018

This article intends to look for the desirable form of Confucian familism in the era of the 4th Industrial Revolution. First of all, the concept of the fourth industrial revolution is a very vague concept. Therefore, it would be more meaningful to analyze the situation of the family in present Korean society and to find an alternative to it in Confucian familism. But the problem is that it is very burdensome to bring out the Confucian familism idea again. Since Confucian Confucianism was criticized in 1915 during the New Cultural Movement, many people have criticized Confucian familism as patriarchal and authoritarian, and thus an anti-democratic value that seriously damaged the equality of men and women. Therefore, the discussion starts with looking at the justification of such an evaluation. I wanted to see if their evaluation of Confucian familism is legitimate or an unjustified evaluation resulting from misunderstanding, and if it is an inappropriate evaluation, where they are based. In addition, I examined whether the cause of such an evaluation was attributed to the subject who made the evaluation, or because the spectrum of significance contained in the Confucian familism thought formed over 2500 years was too wide. I sought to reassess criticism of the existing Confucian familism by looking for answers to these questions. Through such a reevaluation, I has found that the wrong criticism of Confucian familism was because we saw the Confucian scholarship and the Confucian scholarship without distinguishing the ideological Confucianism from the Qin(秦) Dynasty. In the end, I tried to show that Confucian familism can function as an alternative to resolve family problems that are occurring in today's Korean society through the illuminating work of the ideas of Confucian familism.

• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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• v.148
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• pp.49-72
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• 2018

In this paper, I tackle the question as to why the Confucian tradition in East Asia failed to generate democracy. In the first section, I discuss various forms of Confucianism and come up with a most suitable one before I define democracy. I then consider the view that, even though Confucianism, thus defined, had the democratic ideals, it could not generate democracy because it failed to secure democratic institutional structure. I call this view 'No Institutions' View. However, there are two versions of it. First, a thin version of the view holds that the theoretical resources are clearly found in Confucianism yet they failed to provide the democratic institutions. Second, there is the view (a thick version of 'No Institutions' View), according to which the theoretical resources do exist in the Confucian tradition, though only as potentiality and not as a historical reality, and this is why the tradition failed to produce democracy. Third, some hold the view (which I call 'No Ideals' View) that Confucianism simply lacks not only the practical institutions but also theoretical ideals of democracy. In the conclusion, I discuss the reason why I reject these views and offer my own view. In particular, I offer a hybrid view concerning the relationship between Confucianism and democracy.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare Studies
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• v.44 no.1
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• pp.217-237
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• 2013

It seems that it is hard to find the idea of social welfare from Confucianism if we consider it as feudalism. However, there is plentiful source of philosophical anthropology and social philosophy in Confucianism. It is the matter of how we understand Confucianism. This paper tries to look over the misunderstandings of Confucianism, and find out its essence from the view of philosophical anthropology and social philosophy. We could elicit the philosophy of social welfare from the series of work. Confucianism contains the idea of communalism on a view of human being. It means that he is born to be communal, not individual. Therefore it regards individualism as a vice. This let us conjecture the fact that Confucianism has different philosophy of welfare from the western culture which is based on the individualism. It will make us reflect upon the problems caused by individualism nowadays. Confucianism concentrates on the spiritual welfare no less than material welfare. If we state the word "welfare" differently into "happiness", Confucianism regards that the real happiness comes from the spirit, not matter. The spirit aims to realize moral value such as love, righteousness, and courtesy. Therefore Confucianism's philosophy of welfare ideally aimed the society that morally harmonized among people. The ideal of family-minded society was what it tried to realize.

• Asia-pacific Journal of Multimedia Services Convergent with Art, Humanities, and Sociology
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• v.7 no.11
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• pp.273-283
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• 2017

This study aims to analysis the types of features of confucian values of China normal university students. To achieve this purpose, Q methodology is applied. This study was conducted at Sichuan Normal University in China. Total 42 students and 47 statements collected through literature research. The implementation were formed in four types, statism, traditionalism, nominalism, and naturalism. Through this study, from the perspective of international relations, family relations, and friendship, all four type of features were presented intellectualized intelligentiae. The common feature of the four types is gender role, and the cognition of gender role is changing, and women will becoming an independent individual. Although confucian values had made great contribution for the development of Chinese traditional culture, it is an undeniable fact that some ideas not according with the modern social demand for development are hidden in the back.And we should look at and appreciate confucian values from a comprehensive and dialectic view.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.38
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• pp.309-335
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• 1999

The purpose of this study is to classify welfare regimes using the method of qualitative comparative analysis(QCA). By formalizing the logic of qualitative analysis, QCA makes it possible to bring the logic and empirical intensity of qualitative approaches to studies that normally call for the use of quantitative methods. In QCA each case is conceived holistically, as a configuration of conditions, not a collection of scores on variables. Major findings of this study are as follows. Firstly, major explanations for welfare state differences are partly supported. Indicators relevant to each explanation can appear to be important only if other causal conditions are considered. For example, in the interventionist welfare states, high GDP per capita must be combined with the weakness of the Right and ethnic homogeneity. Otherwise, it can't discern interventionist from liberalist welfare states. Secondly, the equation for the interventionist welfare states includes multiple causal conjunctures. Many studies of welfare state find the same results. The third main finding is that IDV(individualism index) which is proxy for the weakness of informal network matters. Combining with other variables, IDV seems to be important in explaining the emergence of Confucian welfare states.

• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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• v.147
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• pp.147-178
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• 2018

In this thesis, the author elaborates on how acceding to the Eurocentric paradigm-driven dichotomy of the premodern vs. modern engenders a logic bottleneck that debilitates academic efforts to explore the formation of the Korean constitution. Following this logic, the author will add credence to the belief that though the West may have had an influence on the formation of Korean democracy, the institution Korea enjoys today is a result of proactive and self-driven interpretation of those influences through the lens of local tradition. This insight is a prerequisite to understanding the spirit of Korea's First Constitution as a result of Koreans creative translation of Western democracy and Republicanism in the Korean context, and one whose roots lie deep in Confucian Great Harmony Thought. Through this, the thesis aims to offer insight into how Confucian Great Harmony Thought can shed light on the historical background of the spirit of Korea's Constitution.

• Journal of the Korean Regional Science Association
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• v.40 no.1
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• pp.111-127
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• 2024

Our study investigates the impact of paternalistic leadership on organizational citizenship behavior in the Chinese context. First, we explore whether the benevolent, moral, and authoritative dimensions of paternalistic leadership positively influence organizational citizenship behavior. Second, we examine the mediating role of affective commitment. Third, we investigate whether power distance orientation and follower's age moderate the paternalistic leadership-affective commitment-organizational citizenship behavior mechanism. The results confirm the positive effects of the three sub-dimensions. We also confirm power distance orientation and follower's age moderate the effect of benevolent and moral aspects of paternalistic leadership. These underscore the importance of a dimensional analysis of paternalistic leadership. Theoretical and practical implications are also suggested.

• Journal of the East Asian Society of Dietary Life
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• v.6 no.2
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• pp.229-234
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• 1996

본 연구에서는 영남지방에 소재 하는 몇몇 사찰을 대상으로 불교식 제사에 차려지는 제물을 연구.고찰하였으며, 이들을 가정에서 행하여지고 있는 유교식 제사와 비교 검토하였다. 불교식 제사의 제물은 강한 시대성을 볼 수 있어 흥미로웠다. 동물성 식품재료를 배제한 유교식 제사의 제물이 그대로 이용되고 없었으며, 더불어 사탕, 과자, 초콜릿, 카스테라, 젤리 등과 밖의 마시는 음료 즉 사이다. 콜라 등이 진설되어 있었다. 그러나, 전통 있는 사찰에서는 불단에 육법공양으로, 향 .등 .다ㆍ 화 .과 . 미(메와 떡) 등이 공양되었고, 영단에만 다섯 가지 나물과 세 가지 전, 메와 갱, 과일, 조과 등과 함께 위의 현대적 과자, 젤리, 사탕 등이 있었으나, 도시에 소재 한 사찰에서는 불단과 영단의 구별 없이 다섯 가지 나물, 다섯 가지 전, 떡(시루떡과 송편), 과일, 여러 가지 과자류와 카스테라 및 음료 등이 똑같이 진설되어 있음이 특징적이었다. 술은 정화수로 대신되고 있었다. 유교가 불교로부터 받은 영향은 향과 다의 이용을 들 수 있겠고 드물기는 하나 기일에 최대의 경건함을 나타내기 위하여 육식을 하지 않는 가정도 있어 이것은 유교에 미친 불교의 금육주의의 영향이라고 하겠다. 또한 불교가 유교로부터 받은 영향은 관음시식의 영단이라고 하겠다. 영단앞에는 사진이나 지방을 붙이고 있었으며, 유교식 제사의례인 지방을 불사르는 분축의 과정도 포함되어 있었다. 이와 같이 유교와 불교는 긴 세월을 지나오면서 서로 영향을 주고받으면서 오늘의 유교식 제사와 불교식 제사음식이 형성된 것으로 보인다.