• Journal of Korean Medical classics
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• v.19 no.2 s.33
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• pp.179-195
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• 2006

의약학적존재화발전인소유내재인소(?約學的存在和發展因素有內在因素), 내재인소리유학문본신적특수이론계통(內在因素里有學問本身的特殊理論系統), 함유혼풍부적과학의의(涵有婚豊富的科學意義), 임상치료효과(臨床治療效果), 병인적신뢰등(病人的信賴等). 외재인소리유정치(外在因素里有政治), 정책(政策), 경제(經濟), 문화방면등등(文化方面等等). 저반인소중의학정책적영향시최직접화결정성적(著般因素中?學政策的影向是最直接和決定性的). 병차의학정책적직접인소리유의약방면유관적제도(幷且?學政策的直接因素里有?約方面有?的制度), 정책(政策), 법평등(法平等), 간접인소리유국가전장제도(間接因素里有國家典章制度), 국가방침화정책등(國歌方針和政策等). 재고대봉건사회상정책적개념시국가(在古代封建社會上政策的槪念是國家), 정당재특정역사시기상위료실현노선화임무(政?在特定歷史時期上爲了悉現路善和任務), 규정적행동준칙(規定的行動准則), 비여선황제적소(比如宣皇帝的沼), 령(領), 칙(勅), 유급정부적각중정령등(愉及政府的各?政領等). 본논문시대한한의학원전학회지상기고적(本論文是大韓韓?學原典學會指上寄稿的)[관우진한시기의정사연구(?于秦漢時基?政史硏究)]상여천명(上如闡明), 통과화중국량준교수공동연구적연속적연구결과(通過和中國梁畯敎授共同硏究的連續的硏究結果). 지우위진남북조시기적의정사(至于魏晉南北朝試期的?政史), 논자관우위진남북조정치개요(?者?于魏晉南北朝政治槪要), 의약정책(?約政策), 의정조직적초보구조(?政組織的初步柩?), 의약정책화의약발전관계(?約政策和?約發展關系), 관우의정평가와형성원인등분성오개방면후(?于?政?伽和形成原因等分成五介方面后), 진행연구병정리보고기결과(進行硏究幷整理報告基結果).

• Bangmulgwan gwa yeongu (The National Museum of Korea Journal)
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• v.1
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• pp.120-147
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• 2024

The inscribed bricks from the Tomb of Jang Mui are unique in many ways. First, there are nearly a hundred of them. Second, there are multiples bearing the same inscriptions. Third, their production methods, including type of firing, are diverse. Fourth, the forms of the bricks are inconsistent. Fifth, the positioning of the sides with inscriptions or stamped designs and those with no designs (as well as the vertical orientation of the inscriptions) are inconsistent. Sixth, most bricks bear inscriptions written reverseds. Seventh, white lime has been painted on the surfaces of the inscribed bricks. Despite these aspects, however, a comparison with Chinese inscribed bricks from the Weijin Dynasties reveals that the inscribed bricks from the Tomb of Jang Mui are indeed connected to their counterparts and provide important materials for forging a more holistic understanding of East Asian culture. Moreover, the understanding of the inscriptions as not just a series of Chinese characters, but as textual objects with characters stamped on them, a focus on how the inscribed bricks were placed inside the tomb, and the observation of them from viewers' perspectives can help clarify the significance of the inscribed bricks from the Tomb of Jang Mui.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.27
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• pp.293-326
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• 2009

Confucianism and Taoism is the most representative schools in the Chinese philosophy. Through getting down to earth, they not only solved the social problem, but also accomplished a complete ideological system of their own philosophy. While examining closely the history of Chinese philosophy, some philosophers paid attention to the relationship between Confucianism and Taoism, and they will unite the different ideological system. Xuanxue(玄學) in the Wei-jin dynasty, typically, carried their research on the relationship between naturalness(自然) and Confucian ethical code(名敎). Against these theory, the scholars of Dongjin(東晋) dynasty tended to maintain the forming philosophical ideology of the relationship between naturalness(自然) and Confucian ethical code(名敎). Furthermore, they directly discussed the relationship between Confucianism and Taoism. This thesis is about a philosophical study of Yuan-hong and Ge-hong who was the typical scholar of the relationship between Confucianism and Taoism in the Donjin dynasty. Yuan-hong emphasized the utility and value of the Confucian ethical code, and he tried to find a basis of Confucian ethical code. Thus, he succeeded to the theory of the relationship between naturalness and Confucian ethical code, he at last advanced a new theory about the relationship between Confucianism and Taoism, which is called 'Taoist foundation Confucian utility(道本儒用)'. Ge-hong, from the point of view of the Taoist, accomplished the perspective on the relationship between Confucianism and Taoism, which is called 'Taoist foundation Confucian branch(道本儒末)'. Yuan-hong and Ge-hong, from the view of the relationship between foundation and utility & branch, advanced the new theory about the relationship between Confucianism and Taoism. In addition, we can correctly estimate their contribution to the development of the Chinese philosophy.

• Journal of Korean Medical classics
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• v.19 no.4
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• pp.147-168
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• 2006

통과대이연화장개빈관우중풍관점적비교연구, 이급기대중풍적분류(以及基對中風的分類), 증상(證狀), 치료(治療), 예후적관점진행분석득출여하결론(豫後的觀點進行分析得出如下結論): 이연파중풍적원인분류위진중풍(李挻把中風的原因分類爲眞中風), 겸중풍(兼中風), 류중풍(類中風), 사중풍(似中風), 종이조취료구분외풍여내풍계기(從而造就了區分外風與內風契機). 대어중풍적원인(對於中風的原因), 장개빈주장배제외풍근한어내풍적관점(張介賓主張排除外風僅限於內風的觀點). 재차기초상(在此基礎上), 설기여조헌가주장진수고갈급진화허시기원인소재(薛己與趙獻可主張眞水枯褐及眞火虛是基原因所在), 대차관점(對此觀點), 장수신적"중풍각전"중, 기유찬동적(旣有贊同的), 역유지비판의견적내용(亦有持批判意見的內容). 대어중풍적증상(對於中風的證狀), 이연근거병사소재분위중장, 중부(中부), 중혈맥(中血脈), 중경등(中經等). 우기대중경증적분류(尤基對中經證的分類), 재기타의서중시무법견도적분류적표준(在基他醫書中是無法見到的分類的標準). 저가이인위(這可以認爲), 타이 "금궤요략" 위의거(爲依據), 시부합내풍적증상분류(是符合內風的症狀分類). 장개빈파비풍적증상종대적방면분위경병화장병(張介賓把非風的症狀從大的方面分爲經病和臟病), 연후재파경병세분위경증화위증(然後在把經病細分爲經證和危證), 장병세분위초경증화위증(臟病細分爲稍經證和危證). 진관경병출현어지체(盡管經病出現於肢體), 이장병출현정신이상(而臟病出現精神異常), 단시경병여장병균유경증화위증(但是經病與臟病均有經證和危證). 저일주장시흔유지이성적. 대중풍적치료(對中風的治療), 이연대체상견지료금원이전적치료방법. 기용신한혹신온거풍화담(旣用辛寒或辛溫去風化痰), 혹용신온발한(惑用辛溫發汗), 혹용고한공리등(或用苦寒攻裏等). 장개빈지출상술방법대원기쇠약적중풍부적합사용(張介賓指出上述方法對元氣衰弱的中風不適合使用), 차장수신지출차시거풍치법실제상부적합내용풍이적합어외풍적치료(且張壽신指出此時去風治法實際上不適合內風而適合於外風的治療). 장개빈인위비풍적원인시진양여진음지허이불시풍담(張介賓認爲非風的原因是眞陽與眞陰之虛而不是風痰), 진관시급성기(盡管是急性期), 여과몰유담증(如果沒有痰證), 타견결반대사용거담지법(他堅決反對使用祛痰之法). 재중풍치료상(在中風治療上), 장개빈인위한다(張介賓認爲汗多), 소변소(小便少), 시진액부족소치(是津液不足所致), 소이수유열증역불요사용삼리지법, 병지출유뇨증시신허소치적위증(幷指出遺尿症是腎虛所致的危證), 종이진일보강조료진액적중요성(從而進一步强調了津液的重要性).

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.25
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• pp.355-379
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• 2009

According to the estimations in historical books and research achievements which have been produced, Ji-kang was a prominent Taoist in the Wei-Jin dynasty. But some philosophers, on their opinions, regard Ji-kang as a scholar who withdrawal from ordinary life in the real society. In this sense, this article investigates the Ji-kang's perspective of the life in seclusion, in particular, by analysing the letter to Shan Ju-yuan in breaking off relations與山居源絶交書. The purpose of this thesis is to clarify Ji-kang's the ideal of life, by discussing the reaction to the realistic society, the reflection on the confused society and the change into the new ideal of life of Ji-kang. Ji-kang's the ideal of life in the letter to Shan Ju-yuan in breaking off relations與山居源絶交書 have the following characteristics: First, he has pursued to participate in the real society by passive and immediate way, but he realized how difficult his ideal comes true. Thus, he seek the new ideal of life, hermit. Second, according to the view of hermit in the ancient Chinese tradition, his view of hermit implicates the change in his ideological tendency from the hermit of Confucianism and Taoism to the hermit of Taoism. Third, he tried whatever methods that were passive and seclusive to participate in the real society, but he isn't a common idealist. In this way, Ji-kang applied these thought of the social life and the ideal of life to the philosophy of living.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.34
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• pp.225-255
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• 2009

Few data on the epigraph from the Bal-Hae Dynasty have been reported so far. The present paper, based on an examination of the style of the epitaphic tombstones of Princess Jeong-Hye and Princess Jeong-Hyo, investigates the historical formation and characteristics of Balhae's epitaphic style and its influences on the posterior periods. The epitaphs from the Bal-Hae Dynasty have the following epigraphic characteristics and historical significances. First, Bal-Hae's epitaphs are similar to those from the Goguryeo Dynasty in the sense that they are angular in their form. Tombstones with angular head first appeared during the East Han period. During the Wi-Jin period, however, as tombstones were not allowed to be erected in front of the tomb, small-sized epitaphic tombstones were set up inside tombs. Typical tombstones from the Dang Dynasty had stone pole and square cover. Unlike those from the Dang and the Tong-Il Silla Dynasties, however, the epitaphs from Bal-Hae had angular head in their tombstone body. The Bal-Hae's angular headed tombstones are very likely to testify that Goguryeo's epitaphs, which features an influence from the Wi-Jin Nambuk-Jo period, in turn exerted an effect on those from the Bal-Hae Dynasty. Second, Bal-Hae's epitaphic tombstones are characterized by their hexagonal head,which were modified from the then typical pentagonal head by cutting out the sharp point. The hexagonal head, which has not been found in its neighboring countries during the same historical period, is peculiar to the epitaphic tombstones from the Bal-Hae Dynasty. Third, the edge lines and ornamental figures first appeared in Bal-Hae's epitaphic tombstones, as seen in those of Princess Jeong-Hye. In the fa?ade of the epitaphic tombstone, a carved line demarcates its rectangular body and trapezoidal head. Four faces of the body stonehave two parallel lines in their edges within which vignette was inscribed, and the trapezoidal head part was ornamented with flower figures. Fourth, Bal-Hae's epitaphic tombstone had an extensive influence on the posterior countries in its neighborhood. The epitaphic tombstones in the Bal-Hae style are very often found in those of the Goryeo Dynasty and the Yo Dynasty which were greatly influenced from Bal-Hae. The vestiges of Bal-Hae's epitaphic style are also found in those from the Song, the Geum, and the Won Dynasties.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.32
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• pp.701-738
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• 2016

The Geomungo(거문고) is a instrument of Gogureoy(高句麗). The instrument had covered a lot of Korea, so it have become a important musical instrument in Korea. Hayasi Genjo(林謙三), Japanese scholar, had maintained his opinion that the Geomungo of Gogureoy is the Wagonghu(臥??), and the Geomungo was formed later, the record of Kimbusik, wrighter of the History of Three Kingdom(三國史記), was incredible. Lee-Hyegu refuted his hypothesis because the introduction on the Wagonghu of Japan have been inaccurate. Since then, many scholars of Korea have studed on the Geomungo of Gogureoy. But their study of the Geomungo was inclined to the topic, relation of the Geomungo and the Wagonghu, or the Wagonghu, the origin of the Geomungo. And They have thought that the record of Kimbusik's was truth. Kimbusik had recorded that Wangsanak(王山岳) had made the Geomungo from the Chilheoyn-Geum(七絃琴, Seven stringed Zither. 古琴). But the Geomungo was different from Geum(琴), but similar to Wagonghu. Many ancient tomb have been unearthed in the old land of Gogureoy, and the were many tomb painting of Gogureoy Geomungo. They were many different style, the form, the size, the number of strings and the position of the musician. So I think that many various type of the Geomungo had been exsited in Gogureoy they had become a prestyle of the Geomungo. The Geomungo was originated from the Wagonghu, its form was similar to the Geomungo. The many scholars considered that it is truth, the Wagonghu was handed down from China, and was spreded to Japan. But there were the Wagonghu in the early Joseon(古朝鮮), The song of the early Joseon, Gongmudohaga(公無渡河歌). The song was accompanied by the Wagonghu. We can read off, at the Song, the Wagonghu had exsisted in the early Joseon. So I think cautiously on that point, the Wagonghu of the Early Joseon was old than that of China, and thd Geomungo of Gogureoy was originated from the Wagonghu of the Early Joseon.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.40 no.4
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• pp.1-14
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• 2022

The ancient North-East Asian royal garden is divided into three types, located in the north inside the palace, in the north outside the palace, and in the south inside or outside the palace, depending on the location relationship between the royal capital and the royal palace. The first is a typical royal garden that follows the ancient Chinese court system of the Chao-hu-chim(前朝後寢). The second is a royal garden located independently of the royal palace, which extends to Geumwon(禁苑). The third is located in the south of royal palace and is the royal garden specialized in Yurak(遊樂) or Hyangyeon(饗宴). The types of ancient North-East Asian royal gardens are classified according to the relationship between main palace(正宮) and secondary palace(別宮), detached palace(離宮), and Geumwon(禁苑), and each has unique characteristics. The first has been established as the garden of the main palace, including the royal garden at Wanggung-ri site in Iksan(益山 王宮里 遺蹟), Han Chang'an capital(漢 長安城), BeiWei Luoyang capital(北魏 洛陽城), Jiankang capital in Southern Dynasties(南朝 建康城), and Daminggong(大明宮) in Tang Dynasty. Here, the royal garden is divided into Naewon(內苑) inside the royal palace and Geumwon(禁苑), outside the royal palace. On the other hand, the second is the royal garden that the royal palace and Geumwon(禁苑) are united. The third is the royal garden that forms part of the royal palace or is independent of the royal palace, and has been specialized as a secondary palace(別宮) and detached palace(離宮). China created the model of ancient North-East Asian royal gardens, and based on this, Baekje, Silla, and Japan of Korea influenced each other and developed a unique palace by showing their originality. The royal garden at Wanggung-ri site in Iksan(益山 王宮里 遺蹟) was influenced by royal gardens of Wei-Jin and Northern & Southern Dynasties(魏晉南北朝). And royal gardens of the Sabi Capital(泗沘都城) were influenced by royal gardens of Jin(秦), Han(漢), Sui(隋), and Tang(唐), and royal gardens of Silla(新羅) were influenced by the royal gardens of Baekje(百濟) and Silla. However, each of these royal gardens also has its own unique characteristics. From this aspect, it can be seen that the ancient North-East Asian court had different lineages depending on the region. Anhakgung Palace in Pyongyang(平壤 安鶴宮) is more likely to be viewed as the Three Kingdoms period than the Goryeo Dynasty. However, it is difficult to raise it to the 5th and 6th centuries due to the overlapping relationship and relics of the lower part of Anhakgung Palace(安鶴宮), and it is generally presumed to be the middle of the 7th century. The royal garden at Anhakgung Palace is a secondary palace(別宮) or detached palace(離宮) that corresponds to the palace of Jang-an capital(長安城) in Pyongyang and is believed to have influenced Dongwon garden(東院庭園) of Heijokyu(平城宮) and Donggung(東宮) and Wolji(月池) in Gyeongju. From this point of view, Dongwon garden(東院庭園) of Heijokyu(平城宮) seems to be related to the palaces of Goguryeo, Baekje, and Silla. This study has many limitations as it focuses on its characteristics and transitions due to the location of the palace in the large framework of ancient North-East Asian royal capital. If these limitations are resolved little by little, it is expected that the understanding of ancient North-East Asian royal gardens will be much wider.