• Title/Summary/Keyword: 외교정책

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Analysis and Prospect on the Terrorism in China: Focusing on the Xinjiang Uighur (중국의 테러리즘 분석과 그 전망: 신장 위구르족을 중심으로)

  • Lee, Dae-Sung;Kim, Tae-Jin
    • The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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    • v.14 no.9
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    • pp.218-226
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    • 2014
  • China has become a G-2 Superpower country as result of rapid economic growth through the reform and opening-up in these days. It expressed its confidence by helding a few big international events, such as Bejing Olympic Games. Shanghai Expo. Though most Chinese people give their agreement and support to the government, there are serious, ill-concealed political problems behind the curtain in China. As a multi-ethnic nation, China has repeated experience of fragmentation and integration of various ethnic groups through her long history. In spite of top-level political leaders of communist party always concern the issues of separatism very sensitively, China has suffered occasional bloodshed terrorism because of erupting ethnic and religious conflicts. Especially there are many disruption and fear due to the bloodshed and terrorism by a minority race-seperatists of Uighur tribe in Xinjiang province. The Uighur in Xinjiang province is very different from major Chinese Han ethnically and culturally. Although Chinese government has presented various policies in order to suppress the Uighus's desire for seperation, they have not been able to offer a fundamental, satisfying solution. Because we, Korean people face the expansion of possibility of conflicts, such as increasing of foreign workers, multi-cultural families and extremists. At this point, I believe we can learn valuable lessons from Chinese experiences for anti-terrorism.

The 1965 Korea-Japan Treaty on Basic Relations: A New Perspective on the Normalization Process (1965년 한일기본조약 : 국교정상화 요인에 대한 새로운 해석)

  • Moon, William J.;Oh, Hyun-Seung
    • Journal of the military operations research society of Korea
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    • v.33 no.1
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    • pp.43-58
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    • 2007
  • With every Yasukuni Shrine visit by a Japanese Prime Minister, one can expect that the Korean government will jump up and down to condemn Japan. The blatant antagonism between the two powerhouses in Asia, lingering around more than sixty years after the end of the colonial period, is unmistakably more than interplay of their colonial history. It is an illumination of a largely unsettled post-colonial diplomacy that was executed in the name of economic advancement. The purpose of this paper is to shed lights on a largely ignored subject matter that unambiguously shaped the peculiar relationship between Korea and Japan.

Evaluation of the Possibility of Cooperation in South and North Korean Energy Sector;Renewable Energy Sources (남북한 에너지분야 협력 가능성 모색;재생에너지원을 중심으로)

  • Kim, Hwa-Young;Lee, Ji-Hyo;Heo, Eun-Nyeong
    • 한국신재생에너지학회:학술대회논문집
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    • 2007.11a
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    • pp.687-689
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    • 2007
  • 점차 심화되고 있는 북한의 에너지 위기는 북한 사회이 경제적 측면뿐만 아니라 사회 및 정치, 나아가서는 국제 사회에서의 북한의 외교정책에까지 영향을 미치는 것은 물론 남한의 군사적, 정치적 위협 요인이 되고 있다. 북한의 에너지난 타개를 위해 여러 회담의 주요 사안으로 에너지 지원을 요구하고 있으며, 내부적으로는 에너지 공급 제한 등의 정책을 시행하고 있으나 이는 미봉책에 불과하다. KEDO 중단으로 북한의 장기적 에너지 지원 노력이 중단되었으며, 중유 지원 등의 방식은 일시적인 수준에서 그치게 될 것 이다. 본 연구에서는 북한의 에너지난을 타개하고 이를 통하여 사회 경제 전반의 안정화에 기여할 수 있는 대북 에너지 지원 방안을 모색하고자 한다.

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사우디아라비아의 석유정책

  • Mohammed A.AL-Shewaihy
    • Korea Petroleum Association Journal
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    • no.7 s.125
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    • pp.42-46
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    • 1991
  • 이 자료는 지난 6월 19일 외교안보원에서 한국중동학회 주최로 열린 「중동과 석유」주제의 세미나에서 주한 사우디아라비아 대사인 Mohammed A. AL-Shewaihy씨가 발표한 내용을 옮긴 것이다. <편집자 주>

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Analysis of Nuclear Role in Energy Policy with Strategic Planning Approach (에너지정책에서의 원자력 역할에 대한 전략계획적 분석)

  • 김현준;정환삼;이태준
    • Proceedings of the Korea Society for Energy Engineering kosee Conference
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    • 1998.05a
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    • pp.205-210
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    • 1998
  • 최근 IMF 사태에 따라 에너지 수입에 대한 국민들의 관심이 커지고 있고, 에너지절약을 통한 에너지부문 국제수지 개선이 주요한 과제로 되고 있다. 본 논문에서는 먼저 SWOT분석에 의하여 에너지정책 환경을 분석하였고, 에너지정책 목표를 달성하기 위한 에너지정책 과제로서 자원외교역량의 강화 등 9개 과제를 제시하였으며, 이에 대응하는 원자력의 특성과 역할을 분석하였다. 마지막으로 경제성 재고, 안전성 향상 등을 포함한 원자력개발방향을 제시하였다.

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Korean English-language Newspapers as Tool of Public Diplomacy: Case Study of Editorials of Korean Republic (영어신문의 외교사적 역할: 코리언 리퍼블릭 (1953.8.15~1954.8.14)의 사설을 중심으로)

  • Lee, Sun-Young
    • Korean journal of communication and information
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    • v.56
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    • pp.219-236
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    • 2011
  • Since the end of the $19^{th}$ century, Korean English-language newspapers have been published in Korea to inform readers about Korea and Korean people's point of view concerning world problems. Among them was the Korean Republic (KR), the former name of the Korea Herald, founded on August $15^{th}$, 1953 (Korean Liberation Day from Japanese colonial rule). This newspaper was started especially to report on international affairs, just after the Armistice agreement was signed on July $27^{th}$, 1953, at the initiative of the first president of the Republic of Korea, Syngman Rhee. He vehemently expressed his and the Korean people's opinion about Korean problems in world politics where big powers were dominating and deciding small countries' destinies. This paper is written to show that Korean English-language newspapers were used as tool of public diplomacy not only for the readers of target countries but also for Korean readers, well before the media diplomacy theory became popular several decades later. In the deplorable world situation where Korea was colonized and divided into halves by the wills of the super powers, the Korean media participated actively via dialogue in English to solve the Korean problem. This paper studies the editorials of the KR for one year, the year just after its foundation. Vis-a-vis the United States, the KR defended its political system of free democracy by insisting on the Korean people's hopes, the reunification of the peninsula and acquiring American assistance in economic and military areas. Regarding Japan, Korea had doubt about its expansionist policy by way of rearmament. First, the Korean government tried to defend its territorial waters, including Dokdo Island. As for multi-lateral relationships, Korea was concerned about the spread of communism to its territory in the world where socialism was dominating.

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A Study on the 1955 to 1962 China's Policies toward Africa Region -focusing on the Bandung Conference and the Afro-Asian People's Solidarity - (1955-1962 기간의 중국 대외정책에 관한 연구 - 반둥회의와 아시아-아프리카 인민연대회의를 중심으로 -)

  • Kim, Dong Hwan
    • International Area Studies Review
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    • v.13 no.3
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    • pp.873-896
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    • 2009
  • China's the resource diplomacy towards Africa as successful results that are difficult to find precedents even within the world's diplomatic community. These results was after having its first diplomatic contact with Africa, during the Bandung Conference of 1955, China supported the armed independence movement of each colony in Africa. These several material and immaterial ad and sacrifice continued for over half a century and they could be see as the products of the Cold War that was created. The importance of the argument, how did and international relation that began as an idea extend into the spheres of politics and economics, has resurfaced. With this objective, the purpose of this research is to understand the initial stages of Chinese versus African policies that started with the first official contact between China and Africa, centered on the 1995 Bandung Conference and the 1957 Afro-Asian People's Solidarity and Study the development of the ensuing relationship.

Philippines 2017: Warlike Powers of Security Forces and Hedging Strategies in Foreign Relation (필리핀 2017: 호전적 내치(內治)와 줄타기 외교)

  • KIM, Dong-Yeob;JUNG, Bub Mo
    • The Southeast Asian review
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    • v.28 no.2
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    • pp.181-212
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    • 2018
  • In 2017, the government of Duterte, in the second year of the ruling, more strongly promoted peace and order policies and expressed independent diplomacy as the chairman of ASEAN. He continued to fight against drugs and tried to increase his political legitimacy through the punishment for corrupt officials. He also declared martial law in the Mindanao region because of the dissolution of the Maute group, a Muslim terrorist organization, and strengthened counterterrorism cooperation externally. In addition, as to Communist militants, he took the initial reconciliation gesture and promoted peace negotiations, however, concluded the peace tide and started the suppression operation due to a series of bloodshed. He still has a strong drive in peace and order issues, backed up by high support rate, but it is becoming a factor of anxiety as the socioeconomically underprivileged and minority groups are increasingly alienated. As the chairman of ASEAN, Duterte has a certain distance from the United States, which is a firm ally, but has turned to increase familiarity with China and Russia, which can take substantial economic benefits. Through diversifying the external economic support and increase of tax revenue, the priority task was to establish the infrastructure. Although the Philippines, which has a high economic growth rate, has a strong expectation that it can establish a solid infrastructure, tax reforms should be successfully completed in order not to repeat the previous failures, which has traditionally increased foreign debt burden by relying on external resources. It seems that it is necessary to find the meeting point of the foreign policy of Duterte and new Korean government's New Southern Policy, and to find possible economic cooperation policies to improve Philippine infrastructure.

After Trump: Continuity and Change in US Northeast Asia Policy in the Era of Biden (미(美) 트럼프 행정부와 바이든 행정부의 동북아 정책 비교 분석 및 전망)

  • Lee, Jeongseok
    • Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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    • v.27 no.2
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    • pp.41-70
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    • 2021
  • US Northeast Asia Policy will show the following changes and continuities with the transition from the Trump administration to the Biden administration. As the Biden administration adheres to traditional principles and norms of US foreign policy, there will be more stability and predictability. The US-China confrontation is likely to become more serious, as President Biden will continue the hawkish China policy Trump initiated. Regarding North Korea, the Biden administration is expected to adopt a more conservative 'bottom-up' approach rather than a 'grand bargain' that Trump pursued. Due to many policymakers holding deep suspicions about the North Korean regime, any diplomatic breakthrough with North Korea is unlikely to occur soon. As for South Korea and Japan, Biden will show more respect to these key allies but may also demand them to contribute more to US-led initiatives countering China.

The North Korea's Foreign Policy Stance and Prospect (북한의 대외정책 기조와 전망)

  • Kim, Sung Woo
    • Convergence Security Journal
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    • v.14 no.6_1
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    • pp.57-63
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    • 2014
  • Even though the historical changes of the Cold War, they does not release the Cold War structure in Korean peninsula. And continues North Korea's provocations against South Korea. A factor of instability in Northeast Asia is the causing catastrophic inter-Korean relations and North Korea's Yeonpyeong shelling and provocation of the Cheonan battleship sinking by an explosion. These behaviors have been committed by among the North Korea military. North Korea's provocations made by a complex decision-making system in the United States and North Korea and South Korea. North Korea's aggressive military actions are conducted under the North Korean political system of strategies unification of the Korean peninsula. It has a duality of continuity and change, depending on the situation of a foreign policy in North Korea. If North Korea want maintain structure of their country, they should change the national policy and strategy, tactics and the military action type. North Korea should be a member of international community. As one of the country in the world, North Korea create economic power, nuclear tensions break, and participate in the international community for the peace.