• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.35
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• pp.329-358
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• 2009

A general idea and the structure of Wangshouren's philosophy is intimately associated with "Daxue". Systemicity of Wangshouren's Xinxue stand on the basis of a mind, intention, innate knowledge and things. "Daxuewen" is a series of a process of gongfu. It stand on the basis of a mind, intention, innate knowledge and things, same as Four-Sentence Teaching. Wangshouren's gongfu theory of "Daxue" changes from gewu to chengyi, from chengyi to zhizhi again. It is deepening of Wangshouren's philosophy and is the change of education. It is also that Wangshouren's gongfu theory internalize anything. He spent his younger life in pursuit of Zhuxi's gewu. Through a lecture of LongChang, Wangshouren's gongfu theory of "Daxue" changes from extroversion to introversion. According to Wangshouren' opinion, "Daxuewen" is the tenet of the XinXue, same as Four-Sentence Teaching. This papers mainly emphases two points: one, to analyze the thinking system of Wangshouren's "Daxuewen", make a comparative study of befour "Daxuewen" and after "Daxuewen". another, through this work we can understand thoroughly Wangshouren's viewpoint of "Daxue".

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.28
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• pp.417-445
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• 2010

There are a few changes about Wangshouren's main tenet during the process of giving lectures. because of the reason that Wangshouren give lectures changed to different disciples, so every student had his different opinion and comprehension do Wangshouren's learning, which is the main reason that Wangshouren's disciples had occurred a difference. In the thinking field of later-Ming, there had occurred a furious argument surrounding the problem of "the Heart is no Goodness and Badness or not", and how to cure the harm of the Xinxue also had become a key issue to the two sides of argument. The donglin school that Guxiancheng was its delegates made a contest with the Xinxue's scholars that Zhourudeng and Guanzhidao were that delegates, which evolved surrounding that issue that "the nature is Good" and "the Heart no Goodness and Badness". In these arguments, the two sides often persist on their own opinions, but hadn't a right understanding for Wangshouren's original meaning. Liujishan and Huanglizhou thought that the meaning of the words "the Heart no Goodness and Badness" was that the Heart have no the intention of Goodness and Badness, not that the Nature was no Goodness and no Badness. So that the opinion of "the Heart no Goodness and Badness" was not the main idea of Wangshouren. Wangji hadn't got the whole meaning of the Four Sentences. Liujishan and Huanglizhou wanted to make a new explaination to Wangshouren's ideas according to literatures and theory.

• Korean Journal of Environmental Biology
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• v.29 no.3
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• pp.171-179
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• 2011

The legally protected trees distributed in Gwangju City is 68 individuals belong to 9 taxa. Among the legally protected trees recorded in environment white paper, Quercus dentata located in Gwangsan-gu Eunnam-dong Shinga village must come to correct Quercus liena, Populus nigra var. italica of Byeokjin village of Seo-gu Byeokjin-dong change to Salix glandulosa and Pinus densiflora of Sukjung-dong, Nam-gu should be alter into Pinus densiflora for. multicaulis. IPCC make an estimate the mean temperature multiplies best $6.4^{\circ}C$ and sea level of 59 cm rises and is warning that the North-Pole glacier may have melted mostly and 95% of bio-species on earth may falls at extinction crisis on the late 21th century. If apply IPCC estimate result to evaluate climate change vulnerability through the legally protected trees of Gwangju City, it should be estimated that mean minimum temperature of the coldest month of Gwangju City in the late 21th century result in higher than $3^{\circ}C$ as mean minimum temperature, January in Cheju Island at present. Therefore, it is estimate that the legally protected trees of Cheju Island such as Pinus thunbergii, Celtis sinensis, Aphananthe aspera and a evergreen broadleaf trees will grow up well in Gwangju City area in the late 21th century. The other hand, P. densiflora for. multicaulis and zelkova serrata as the legally protected trees that appear together in Seoul and Gwangju will be estimate by something to expose show vulnerability in region of Gwangju City.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.45 no.2
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• pp.54-71
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• 2012

This paper investigates Buddhist sculptures of the Gulsan-sa School of Seon Buddhism, which was established by the priest Beomil(梵日) at Myeongju(溟州), present-day Gangneung(江陵) area, and prospered until the late Goryeo period. There are very few surviving Buddhist images at Gulsan2 temple-site showing the Buddhist art when Beomil or his disciples, Gaecheong(開淸) and Haengjeok(行寂), were active, except a set of huge stone pillars for temple-banners and a stone monk stupa. It is therefore necessary to focus on pieces of artworks in Gangneung and nearby areas to explore the characteristics of Buddhist art of Gulsan-sa from the late Silla to early Goryeo period. For example, the stone relief seated Buddha image, one of Four Buddhas of Four Directions, and a stone relief of standing Guardian King both from the stone pagoda at Mujin temple-site(無盡寺址) can be compared with stupa reliefs at the capital Gyeongju area in their high quality of carving. The stone octagonal base showing seven lions on each of seven sides at Boheon-sa(普賢寺) demonstrates that it was made as a part of an octagonal lotus pedestal for a Vairocana Buddha now lost. Since Boheon-sa was erected by Gaechung, a disciple of Beomil as a branch of Gulsan-sa, it is fair to assume that the Vairocana image at Boheon-sa might have been closely related to the Buddhist images at Gulsan-sa in its style and iconography. The stone seated Bodhisattva from Hansong temple-site(寒松寺址) displays a benign face, exquisite necklace, and exotic iconography in its hand gesture and high cylindrical crown. The stone seated Buddha at Cheonghak-sa(靑鶴寺), brought from a temple-site where fragments of roof-tiles with the inscription of Heukam-sa(黑岩寺) were discovered, displays the late Silla and early Goryeo period. Heukam-sa seems to have been related to Gulsan-sa or have been one of the branches of Gulsan-sa. Extant fragments of artworks at Myeongju implicate the high quality of Buddhist art of Gulsan-sa in its iconography and style as well as unique features of Gulsan-sa Seon School.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.67
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• pp.345-378
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• 2017

In the scriptures of "$Ch{\bar{u}}n-qi{\bar{u}}$(春秋)", the expression method of '$Ch{\bar{u}}n-w{\acute{a}}ng-zh{\bar{e}}ng-yu{\grave{e}}$(春王正月 : It's spring. It's the first month regulated by the king.)' was used as Jì-yuè-fǎ(紀月法 : the rules to determine the first month(正月)), the month of winter solstice was regarded as the first month of a year, and three years since then were named as $Ch{\bar{u}}n$(春 : spring). With regard to this "$Ch{\bar{u}}n-qi{\bar{u}}$"Wáng-lì("春秋"王曆 : the calendar regulated by the king of $Zh{\bar{o}}u$(周) dynasty in "$Ch{\bar{u}}n-qi{\bar{u}}$"), depending on whether Confucius(孔子) changed and recorded the names of the months and the season or not, there were three different arguments; the theory that 'Confucius changed the names of both the months and the season'(孔子改月 改時說), the view that 'Confucius changed the name of the season, not the names of the months'(孔子不改月 改時說), and then the theory that 'Confucius changed neither the names of the months nor the name of the season'(孔子不改月 不改時) since Song(宋) dynasty. The first view was taken by $Hh{\acute{u}}-{\bar{a}}n-gu{\acute{o}}$(胡安國) and $C{\grave{a}}i-ch{\acute{e}}n$(蔡沈), and the second theory was mentioned by Chéng-yí(程?) and Zhū-zǐ(朱子). The advocates of the third view had become remarkable since Ming(明) dynasty, and one of representatives was Wàng-yáng-míng(王陽明). All of them based their arguments on ancient scriptures and Confucian legal books, and there were cases of taking the same records as the support for different opinions. Confucius' so-called 'Chūn-qiū-bǐ-fǎ(春秋筆法 : the method to describe historical facts by making clear discrimination between right and wrong)' and '$Sh{\grave{u}}-{\acute{e}}r-b{\grave{u}}-zu{\grave{o}}$(述而不作 : the attitude to succeed virtuous men's achievements and only explain and describe them not creating and adding new contents)' could come from thoughts of $Z{\bar{u}}n-w{\acute{a}}ng$(尊王 : to respect the king with the virtues of benevolence, righteousness, propriety, wisdom and sincerity). Therefore, even though Confucius is assumed to have been the writer of "$Ch{\bar{u}}n-qi{\bar{u}}$(春秋)", whether he actually changed and recorded the names of the months and the season in the calendar used in "$Ch{\bar{u}}n-qi{\bar{u}}$" is doubtful. These theories on Confucius's intervention in the calendar of "$Ch{\bar{u}}n-qi{\bar{u}}$" hadn't been discussed as conflicting in reality until Tang(唐) dynasty.