• Childhood Kidney Diseases
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• v.7 no.2
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• pp.142-149
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• 2003

Purpose : The urinary mass screening program for the detection of urinary abnormalities in school aged population has been performed in Seoul since 1981. Nation-wide urinary mass screening program was also performed since 1998. The aim of this study was to analyze the cause and nature of isolated proteinuria detected by chance on the urinary mass screening test in Busan and Kyungsangnam-do Province Methods : The medical records of 44 cases of isolated proteinuria detected by chance on the urinary mass screening test in Busan and Kyungsangnam-do Province, and evaluated for urinary abnormalities at the pediatrics outpatients renal clinics of Busan Paik Hospital from April 2002 to August 2003 were reviewed prospectively. Results : The cause and incidence of isolated proteinuria were as follows; transient proteinuria 4 cases(9.1%), orthostatic proteinuria 36 cases(81.8%) and persistent proteinuria 4 cases (9.1%). The total protein amount of the 24 hour urine were $121.0{\pm}136.4\;mg$ in transient proteinuria, $179.1{\pm}130.0\;mg$ in orthostatic proteinuria and $1532.8{\pm}982.5\;mg$ in persistent proteinuria. In the orthostatic proteinuria group, the total protein amount of the 24 hour urine was in the range of 40-616 mg. Spot urine protein/creatinine ratio(PCR) were $0.10{\pm}0.01$ in transient proteinuria, $0.61{\pm}0.61$ in orthostatic proteinuria and $4.35{\pm}4.04$ in persistent proteinuria. In the orthostatic proteinuria group, spot me PCR was in the range of 0.09-2.32. Renal biopsy was peformed in 4 children of the persisitent proteinuria group. They showed minimal change in 1 case, membranoproliferatiye glomerulonephritis in 2 cases and secondary renal amyloidosis in 1 case. Conclusion : The majority of isolated proteinuria which was detected by chance on school urinary mass screening were transient or orthostatic proteinuria. Even though the incidence of persistent proteinuria was much lower, it is necessary to take care of these children regularly and continuously, because persistent proteinuria itself is a useful marker of the progressive renal problems.

• Current Research on Agriculture and Life Sciences
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• v.4
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• pp.141-153
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• 1986

This study intends to document the existing cyclical fluctuations of garic and onion price at farm gate level during the period of 1966-1986 in Korea. The existing patterns of such cyclical fluctuations were estimated systematically by removing the seasonal fluctuation and irregular movement as well as secular trend from the original price through the moving average method. It was found that the cyclical fluctuations of garic and onion prices repeated six and seven times respectively during the same period, also the amplitude coefficient of cyclical fluctuations showed speed up in recent years. It was noticed that the cyclical fluctuations of price in onion was higher than that of in garic.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.30
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• pp.163-199
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• 2018

Jeon-gyeong was published under the command of Dojeon Park Wudang in 1974. The scripture consists of 7 parts and each part has 17 chapters. The earliest record of Gucheon Sangje (1871~1909) can be found in Jeungsan Cheonsa Gongsagi, which was published by Lee Sangho (1888~1967) in 1926. The book was the first oral literature that he created by collecting information and materials on Jeungsan as he personally met with many direct disciples of Gucheon Sangje. In 1929, after three years, Lee complemented the book with additional materials and published the first edition of Daesoon Jeon-gyeong. It was a form of didactic literature stylistically presented as scripture. Lee continued this long journey of work by revising and publishing 6 editions of Daesoon Jeon-gyeong until he published the last one in 1965. The chapter titled, "Cheonji-gongsa (Reordering Works of the Universe)" from Daesoon Jeon-gyeong as the sixth chapter out of a total of 13 chapters in the first edition, but in the last edition, it appears as chapter 4 out of a total of 9 chapters. Here it is shown that the last edition has been shortened when compared to the first edition. Also the number of verses in the chapter has largely increased by almost twice its original size over the 37 years; as it was 81 in the first edition, 94 in the second, 148 in the third, 151 in the fifth, and 175 in the sixth. In this paper, I studied how the verses of "Gongsa (Reordering Works)" from the Jeon-gyeong, which was first published in 1974, have been revised in comparison to the chapter titled "Cheonji-gongsa" from the Daesoon Jeon-gyeong. As the result of comparing each verse of "Gongsa" from the Jeon-gyeong to those of "Cheonji-gongsa" from all six editions of the Daesoon Jeon-gyeong, I could find the following revisions or changes. First, when "Cheonji-gongsa" from the Daesoon Jeon-gyeong is compared to "Gongsa" from the Jeon-gyeong, it can be seen that the number of verses has been changed and some contents have been deleted or added. Second, the sixth edition of the Daesoon Jeon-gyeong has 69 more verses than the Jeon-gyeong, and most of the additions were made in the chapters titled "Haengrok (analects)," "Gyoun (conveyance of teachings)," and "Yesi (forseeing)". These additions show how the verses regarding religious and predictional teachings developed over the years. Third, the verses from "Gongsa" from the Jeon-gyeong contain many descriptions from chapter 2, "Enlightenment of Dao and Miraculous Deeds of Cheonsa (Heavenly Teacher)," chapter 3, "Followers in the Dao School and Precepts," and chapter 5, "Opening of New World and Paradise," from the 6 th edition of the Daesoon Jeon-gyeong. This indicates that "Cheonji-gongsa (Reordering Works of the Universe)" was related to miraculous acts, enlightenment to Dao, teachings given to the followers, the opening of new world, and the building of a paradise. Fourth, some chapters in the section "Cheonji-gongsa" from Daesoon Jeon-gyeong are omitted in "Gongsa" from Jeon-gyeong, and "Gongsa" has some new contents that were not included in previous texts. This shows that there had been adoptions of different materials in the process of transmission.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.43
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• pp.5-46
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• 2021

The film Moranbong is the product of a trip to North Korea in 1958, when Armangati, Chris Marker, Claude Lantzmann, Francis Lemarck and Jean-Claude Bonardo left at the invitation of Joseon Film. However, for political reasons, the film was not immediately released, and it was not until 2010 that it was rediscovered and received attention. The movie consists of the narratives of Young-ran and Dong-il, set in the Korean War, that are folded into the narratives of Chunhyang and Mongryong in the classic Chunhyangjeon of Joseon. At this time, Joseon's classics are reproduced in the form of the drama Chunhyangjeon, which shares the time zone with the two main characters, and the two narratives are covered in a total of six scenes. There are two layers of middle-story frames in the movie, and if the same narrative is set in North Korea in the 1950s, there is an epic produced by the producers and actors of the Changgeuk Chunhyangjeon and the Changgeuk Chunhyangjeon as a complete work. In the outermost frame of the movie, Dong-il is the main character, but in the inner double frame, Young-ran, who is an actor growing up with the Changgeuk Chunhyangjeon and a character in the Changgeuk Chunhyangjeon, is the center. The following three OST albums are Corée Moranbong released in France in 1960, Musique de corée released in 1970, and 朝鮮の伝統音樂-唱劇 「春香伝」と伝統樂器- released in 1968 in Japan. While Corée Moranbong consists only of the music from the film Moranbong, the two subsequent albums included additional songs collected and recorded by Pyongyang National Broadcasting System. However, there is no information about the movie Moranbong on the album released in Japan. Under the circumstances, it is highly likely that the author of the record label or music commentary has not confirmed the existence of the movie Moranbong, and may have intentionally excluded related contents due to the background of the film's ban on its release. The results of analyzing the detailed scenes of the Changgeuk Chunhyangjeon, Farewell Song, Sipjang-ga, Chundangsigwa, Bakseokti and Prison Song in the movie Moranbong or OST album in the 1950s are as follows. First, the process of establishing the North Korean Changgeuk Chunhyangjeon in the 1950s was confirmed. The play, compiled in 1955 through the Joseon Changgeuk Collection, was settled in the form of a Changgeuk that can be performed in the late 1950s by the Changgeuk Chunhyangjeon between 1956 and 1958. Since the 1960s, Chunhyangjeon has no longer been performed as a traditional pansori-style Changgeuk, so the film Moranbong and the album Corée moranbong are almost the last records to capture the Changgeuk Chunhyangjeon and its music. Second, we confirmed the responses of the actors to the controversy over Takseong in the North Korean creative world in the 1950s. Until 1959, there was a voice of criticism surrounding Takseong and a voice of advocacy that it was also a national characteristic. Shin Woo-sun, who almost eliminated Takseong with clear and high-pitched phrases, air man who changed according to the situation, who chose Takseong but did not actively remove Takseong, Lim So-hyang, who tried to maintain his own tone while accepting some of modern vocalization. Although Cho Sang-sun and Lim So-hyang were also guaranteed roles to continue their voices, the selection/exclusion patterns in the movie Moranbong were linked to the Takseong removal guidelines required by North Korean musicians in the name of Dang and People in the 1950s. Second, Changgeuk actors' response to the controversy over the turbidity of the North Korean Changgeuk community in the 1950s was confirmed. Until 1959, there were voices of criticism and support surrounding Taksung in North Korea. Shin Woo-sun, who showed consistent performance in removing turbidity with clear, high-pitched vocal sounds, Gong Gi-nam, who did not actively remove turbidity depending on the situation, Cho Sang-sun, who accepted some of the vocalization required by the party, while maintaining his original tone. On the other hand, Cho Sang-seon and Lim So-hyang were guaranteed roles to continue their sounds, but the selection/exclusion patterns of Moranbong was independently linked to the guidelines for removing turbidity that the Gugak musicians who crossed to North Korea had been asked for.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.96
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• pp.18-53
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• 2019

The paintings Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion were recently donated to the National Museum of Korea and unveiled to the public for the first time at the 2019 special exhibition "Through the Eyes of Joseon Painters: Real Scenery Landscapes of Korea." These two paintings carry significant implications for understanding Joseon art history. Because the fact that they were components of a folding screen produced after a sightseeing tour of the Gwandong regions in 1557 has led to a broadening of our understanding of sixteenth-century landscape painting. This paper explores the art historical meanings of Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion by examining the contents in the two paintings, dating them, analyzing their stylistic characteristics, and comparing them with other works. The production background of Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion can be found in the colophon of Chongseokjeong Pavilion. According to this writing, Sangsanilro, who is presumed to be Park Chung-gan (?-1601) in this paper, and Hong Yeon(?~?) went sightseeing around Geumgangsan Mountain (or Pungaksan Mountain) and the Gwandong region in the spring of 1557, wrote a travelogue, and after some time produced a folding screen depicting several famous scenic spots that they visited. Hong Yeon, whose courtesy name was Deokwon, passed the special civil examination in 1551 and has a record of being active until 1584. Park Chung-gan, whose pen name was Namae, reported the treason of Jeong Yeo-rip in 1589. In recognition of this meritorious deed, he was promoted to the position of Deputy Minister of the Ministry of Punishments, rewarded with the title of first-grade pyeongnan gongsin(meritorious subject who resolved difficulties), and raised to Lord of Sangsan. Based on the colophon to Chongseokjeong Pavilion, I suggest that the two paintings Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion were painted in the late sixteenth century, more specifically after 1557 when Park Chung-gan and Hong Yeon went on their sightseeing trip and after 1571 when Park, who wrote the colophon, was in his 50s or over. The painting style used in depicting the landscapes corresponds to that of the late sixteenth century. The colophon further states that Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion were two paintings of a folding screen. Chongseokjeong Pavilion with its colophon is thought to have been the final panel of this screen. The composition of Gyeongpodae Pavilion recalls the onesided three-layered composition often used in early Joseon landscape paintings in the style of An Gyeon. However, unlike such landscape paintings in the An Gyeon style, Gyeongpodae Pavilion positions and depicts the scenery in a realistic manner. Moreover, diverse perspectives, including a diagonal bird's-eye perspective and frontal perspective, are employed in Gyeongpodae Pavilion to effectively depict the relations among several natural features and the characteristics of the real scenery around Gyeongpodae Pavilion. The shapes of the mountains and the use of moss dots can be also found in Welcoming an Imperial Edict from China and Chinese Envoys at Uisungwan Lodge painted in 1557 and currently housed in the Kyujanggak Institute for Korean Studies at Seoul National University. Furthermore, the application of "cloud-head" texture strokes as well as the texture strokes with short lines and dots used in paintings in the An Gyeon style are transformed into a sense of realism. Compared to the composition of Gyeongpodae Pavilion, which recalls that of traditional Joseon early landscape painting, the composition of Chongseokjeong Pavilion is remarkably unconventional. Stone pillars lined up in layers with the tallest in the center form a triangle. A sense of space is created by dividing the painting into three planes(foreground, middle-ground, and background) and placing the stone pillars in the foreground, Saseonbong Peaks in the middle-ground, and Saseonjeong Pavilion on the cliff in the background. The Saseonbong Peaks in the center occupy an overwhelming proportion of the picture plane. However, the vertical stone pillars fail to form an organic relation and are segmented and flat. The painter of Chongseokjeong Pavilion had not yet developed a three-dimensional or natural spatial perception. The white lower and dark upper portions of the stone pillars emphasize their loftiness. The textures and cracks of the dense stone pillars were rendered by first applying light ink to the surfaces and then adding fine lines in dark ink. Here, the tip of the brush is pressed at an oblique angle and pulled down vertically, which shows an early stage of the development of axe-cut texture strokes. The contrast of black and white and use of vertical texture strokes signal the forthcoming trend toward the Zhe School painting style. Each and every contour and crack on the stone pillars is unique, which indicates an effort to accentuate their actual characteristics. The birds sitting above the stone pillars, waves, and the foam of breaking waves are all vividly described, not simply in repeated brushstrokes. The configuration of natural features shown in the above-mentioned Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion changes in other later paintings of the two scenic spots. In the Gyeongpodae Pavilion, Jukdo Island is depicted in the foreground, Gyeongpoho Lake in the middle-ground, and Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Odaesan Mountain in the background. This composition differs from the typical configuration of other Gyeongpodae Pavilion paintings from the eighteenth century that place Gyeongpodae Pavilion in the foreground and the sea in the upper section. In Chongseokjeong Pavilion, stone pillars are illustrated using a perspective viewing them from the sea, while other paintings depict them while facing upward toward the sea. These changes resulted from the established patterns of compositions used in Jeong Seon(1676~1759) and Kim Hong-do(1745~ after 1806)'s paintings of Gwandong regions. However, the configuration of the sixteenth-century Gyeongpodae Pavilion, which seemed to have no longer been used, was employed again in late Joseon folk paintings such as Gyeongpodae Pavilion in Gangneung. Famous scenic spots in the Gwandong region were painted from early on. According to historical records, they were created by several painters, including Kim Saeng(711~?) from the Goryeo Dynasty and An Gyeon(act. 15th C.) from the early Joseon period, either on a single scroll or over several panels of a folding screen or several leaves of an album. Although many records mention the production of paintings depicting sites around the Gwandong region, there are no other extant examples from this era beyond the paintings of Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion discussed in this paper. These two paintings are thought to be the earliest works depicting the Gwandong regions thus far. Moreover, they hold art historical significance in that they present information on the tradition of producing folding screens on the Gwandong region. In particular, based on the contents of the colophon written for Chongseokjeong Pavilion, the original folding screen is presumed to have consisted of eight panels. This proves that the convention of painting eight views of Gwangdong had been established by the late sixteenth century. All of the existing works mentioned as examples of sixteenth-century real scenery landscape painting show only partial elements of real scenery landscape painting since they were created as depictions of notable social gatherings or as a documentary painting for practical and/or official purposes. However, a primary objective of the paintings of Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion was to portray the ever-changing and striking nature of this real scenery. Moreover, Park Chung-gan wrote a colophon and added a poem on his admiration of the scenery he witnessed during his trip and ruminated over the true character of nature. Thus, unlike other previously known real-scenery landscape paintings, these two are of great significance as examples of real-scenery landscape paintings produced for the simple appreciation of nature. Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion are noteworthy in that they are the earliest remaining examples of the historical tradition of reflecting a sightseeing trip in painting accompanied by poetry. Furthermore, and most importantly, they broaden the understanding of Korean real-scenery landscape painting by presenting varied forms, compositions, and perspectives from sixteenth-century real-scenery landscape paintings that had formerly been unfound.