• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.46
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• pp.113-142
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• 2017

The goal of this paper is to analyze the vocabularies and cases related to Kimchi as a cultural history. For this purpose, we extract the vocabularies of Kimchi from the records of Korean Literary Collection in Classical Chinese, Annals of the Choson Dynasty, Records of Daily Reflection, and Diary of the Royal Secretariat. The existing literatures related to Kimchi are confined to some cookbooks, but in this study, we attempt to overcome the existing limitations and adopt a comprehensive and systematic approach. The classic literatures of the Choson Dynasty are mainly recorded in traditional Chinese characters; therefore, the readability is poor, and it is presupposed that a lot of time and effort will be needed for the translation work after securing the data. Therefore, we performed this research with a focus on this part. Next, we tried to reconstruct the archetype of Kimchi culture in the Choson Dynasty by classifying the above materials according to the subject and literature sources.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.23 no.1
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• pp.1-44
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• 2013

This study examined the constitutional engineering of the Philippine democracy in terms of power sharing and accountability, and the effectiveness and stability of the Philippine democracy as a result were assessed. Based on the analysis, the nature of the present Philippine democratic system since 1986 was brought to light. This study argues that the system of power sharing between the President and the congress in the Philippines tends to serve for negotiating political interests among the power elites rather than functioning in a constructive way. And the public accountability system is not functioning as it was designed to do. Due to the defects the Philippine democracy continuously suffers the lack of political effectiveness and stability. Despite of the problem, the reason not to break down the system would be the fact that the system served for the oligarchic power elites to circulate and recreate the political power exclusively. The direction of the Philippine constitutional engineering should be weakening the present traditional elite dominated political system, and strengthening the chances of political participation from the various classes. Some concerned people suggested the constitutional change to parliamentary system in order to strengthening party politics, and federal system to cope with the problems of regional conflicts, but such efforts failed repeatedly due to the conflict of political interests. Considering the present circumstance, it would be advisable to reform political party law and election system in the direction of strengthening political party system, and to expand the scope of local government system in the direction of devolving the centralized political power.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.20 no.2
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• pp.31-72
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• 2010

This study is to explain the nature of transnational activities being involved in by Filipina intermarriage migrants in Korea by examining the institutional backgrounds of market, society and the state. The increasing number of Filipina intermarriage with Korean coincides with the advance of liberal market economy, which governs internal and bilateral interactions between and among the three institutions in both countries. While existing various reasons for engaging in intermarriage, a significant number of Filipina wives in Korea ventured into it with uncertain expectations that they might earn better lives and could support their families. Such hopes usually turn out in vain when they meet the real lives in Korea. It is mainly because their spouses in Korea would rather be those who left behind in the marriage market due to their lack of competitiveness. Filipina wives are also suffering from social isolation caused by language and other barriers such as family relations or rural life they might settle in. Their transnational activities usually tend to be their effort to breakthrough their unexpected condition of difficult lives in Korea. They usually make use of transnational sort of community activities to cultivate chances to engage in bread earning activity. Migrant's transnational activity has a great impact on sociocultural changes in the country of origin and of arrival. Transnational activity provides migrants with economic opportunities, and uplifts self-esteem as well. Intermarriage couples, especially with Southeast Asian wives, and their offsprings show a tendency of downward assimilation to Korean society. Korean state policy toward them should not simply apply undiscriminated assimilation theory, but take into account their possible strength of transnational identity with which they could find a means to integrate themselves successfully into the mainstream Korean society.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.28 no.3
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• pp.75-110
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• 2018

This study is to figure out the Filipino cultural identity by analyzing the image of the Philippine comfort woman statue, which was created as a representation of memories of the Filipino comfort women during the World War II. As a new approach to the field of area study, this study introduced the concept of 'intertextuality', which is a method of understanding texts in the field of literature. Since the comfort woman statue represents the grieved memories of the comfort women during the international war time, the analysis of the image was focused on 'femininity' and 'nationalism'. As for comparison, the Korean comfort woman statue, the Statue of Peace, was taken into the analysis. Upon analyzing, it can be seen that Filipino perception of femininity emphasizes 'beauty' rather than 'purity' that expressed in the Statue of Peace. And the Philippine nationalism expressed through the comfort woman statue can find 'elitist and inclusive' characteristics, unlike the 'popular and resisting' characteristics of Korean.

• Journal of the Korea Institute of Information and Communication Engineering
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• v.23 no.12
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• pp.1609-1617
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• 2019

Described in this paper is a design of hardware accelerator for implementing public-key cryptographic protocols (PKCPs) based on Elliptic Curve Cryptography (ECC) and RSA. It supports five elliptic curves (ECs) over GF(p) and three key lengths of RSA that are defined by NIST standard. It was designed to support four point operations over ECs and six modular arithmetic operations, making it suitable for hardware implementation of ECC- and RSA-based PKCPs. In order to achieve small-area implementation, a finite field arithmetic circuit was designed with 32-bit data-path, and it adopted word-based Montgomery multiplication algorithm, the Jacobian coordinate system for EC point operations, and the Fermat's little theorem for modular multiplicative inverse. The hardware operation was verified with FPGA device by implementing EC-DH key exchange protocol and RSA operations. It occupied 20,800 gate equivalents and 28 kbits of RAM at 50 MHz clock frequency with 180-nm CMOS cell library, and 1,503 slices and 2 BRAMs in Virtex-5 FPGA device.

• Journal of the Korea Institute of Information and Communication Engineering
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• v.25 no.8
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• pp.1095-1102
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• 2021

A scalable ECC architecture with high scalability and flexibility between performance and hardware complexity is proposed. For architectural scalability, a modular arithmetic unit based on a one-dimensional array of processing element (PE) that performs finite field operations on 32-bit words in parallel was implemented, and the number of PEs used can be determined in the range of 1 to 8 for circuit synthesis. A scalable algorithms for word-based Montgomery multiplication and Montgomery inversion were adopted. As a result of implementing scalable ECC processor (sECCP) using 180-nm CMOS technology, it was implemented with 100 kGEs and 8.8 kbits of RAM when N_PE=1, and with 203 kGEs and 12.8 kbits of RAM when N_PE=8. The performance of sECCP with N_PE=1 and N_PE=8 was analyzed to be 110 PSMs/sec and 610 PSMs/sec, respectively, on P256R elliptic curve when operating at 100 MHz clock.

• Iberoamérica
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• v.23 no.2
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• pp.273-307
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• 2021

The covid 19 pandemic led to an economic collapse and multiple impacts upon Argentina's labour dynamics. As well as in other parts of the region, falls in employment rates (both due to an increase in unemployment and significant withdrawals from the labour force) were combined with wage reductions for those who were able to keep their jobs. Thus, two important processes for the labour market complimented each other: a structural shock associated with a tasks automation as a reorganisation and substitution of factors, with a cyclical recession caused by the pandemic. The international experience shows the amplifying impact the latter has on the former, generating long-term consequences mainly in routine-intensive jobs. However, the knowledge-intensive services sector appears to be the most capable of cushioning the recessionary shock (both in terms of wages and labour absorption), even with nuances within the sector depending on the extent of the shutdown measures and its capability to switch to remote work. Finally, the task approach is decisive in capturing the ability to adapt both the cyclical and structural processes, absorbing a large part of the explanatory potential that sectoral classifications tend to bring about.

• Iberoamérica
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• v.22 no.1
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• pp.1-30
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• 2020

Recently, in the conservative wave in Latin America, the political participation of the conservative Pentecostal Church has been highlighted. This article analyzes the impact of this political participation on democracy and its development, based on the case of Brazil. First, the Pentecostal churches contributed greatly to religious pluralism, but show an exclusive and aggressive attitude toward other religions and ideologies. Also, in the process of selecting official candidates, most members of the churches are politically mobilized according to the unilateral decisions of the leadership, and these elected candidates serve the specific corporatist interests of their own denomination or church rather than the public interest. In addition, the purpose of political participation to obtain public offices is also a stumbling block to the development of democracy in Brazil by placing it in the direct realization of a specific religious interests or values of the rebuilding of the Christian kingdom.

• Iberoamérica
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• v.23 no.2
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• pp.1-54
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• 2021

On December 29, 1996, the Guatemala government and guerrilla group "Unidad Revolucionaria Nacional Guatemala: URNG" signed the "Guatemalan Peace Agreement," ending the civil war that lasted in Guatemala for 36 years (1960-1996). During the 36-year civil war, 200,000 people were killed or missing, and 400,000 Guatemalans fled Guatemala as a result of the civil war. In June 1954, with the help of the United States, Carlos Castillo Armas (1954-1957) coup d'état in Guatemala overthrew the then government of Jacobo Arbenz Guzmán (1950-1954). Armas later became president of Guatemala. Armas was assassinated in 1957, and a 36-year civil war began in 1958 when Miguel Ydígoras Fuentes (1958-1963), a conservative, was elected president. Armas later became president of Guatemala. Armas was assassinated in 1957, and a 36-year civil war began in 1958 when Miguel Ydígoras Fuentes (1958-1963), a conservative, was elected president. Idygoras was rated as America's puppet president for the benefit of American corporations. Although Guatemala's 36-year civil war began with the government of Idigoras, more fundamentally, the 1954 coup d'état was the cause of the 36-year civil war. The purpose of this study is to examine the background and characteristics of the 1954 coup in Guatemala.

• Iberoamérica
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• v.22 no.2
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• pp.59-98
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• 2020

The purpose of this study is to examine how the politics of 'femicide(femicidio)' or 'feminicide(feminicidio) is embodied in Latin America. To this end, I tried to grasp the political nature of these terms through the debate over the terms of 'femicide' vs 'feminicidio' and the process of establishing concepts. In Latin America, the 'Declaration on Femicide' in 2008 emphasized the responsibility of the state, and as demands for countermeasures against feminism increased, each country enacted the femicide law. However, due to the lack of mechanisms to implement the law, investigations, or punishments for the perpetrators have not been properly conducted. And femicide is becoming more serious. Recently, #NiUnaMenos, the 8M International Women's Day strike, and performances started in Chile are spreading out of Latin America, gaining sympathy around the world. Also, these actions are emerging as one of the new political movements that demand a democracy with gender equality, adding different agendas according to the situation of each region, including femicide, with strong cohesion.