• Journal of Korean Women's Studies
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• v.30 no.2
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• pp.203-231
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• 2014

Political space, the area where politics takes place, is generally treated as a male-centric space. The number of female politicians is increasing, but the core of political space is still dominated by male politicians. Therefore, on the one side, female politicians use masculine rhetoric in order to show that they are equal to male politicians, and on the other side, they use feminine rhetoric like the rhetoric of the First Lady or the rhetoric of motherhood in order to emphasize the differences with male politicians and stress their novelty as female politicians. In this situation, female politicians are confronted with the difficulty that they have to keep a balance between masculine and feminine rhetoric. In this context, this study, in chapter II, analyzes the monopoly of male politicians on political space and the dominance of masculine rhetoric and emphasizes that the political space is strongly gendered. Chapter III examines the possibilities and limits of the rhetoric of the First Lady and of the rhetoric of motherhood which female politicians use in the political space to draw attention to their messages. Chapter IV suggests two strategies to change the situation of the dominance of masculine rhetoric in the political space: the strategy of mainstreaming of women and the strategy of mainstreaming of gender agendas. Lastly, this study emphasizes that we need to develop an alternative feminine rhetoric by paying attention to the diversity of women.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.27 no.1
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• pp.41-77
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• 2021

It has been 20 years since the gender quota system for expanding women's political representation was enacted. However, the proportion of Korean women's representatives has not exceeded 20 percent. This study examines how the gender quota system, public funding for women candidates, and public funding for women's development, which are the three pillars of the legal system to expand women's representation, have changed systematically over the past 20 years, how they affected women's representation, and what institutional limitations they have. In addition, it explores the im/possible conditions of reforms for expanding women's representation. To reform the legal system for women's representation, it is necessary to understand that Korea's political system is arranged in a gender-based way in a male-dominated structure, while also understanding that the existence of critical actors and mass driving reforms for gender equality in politics is essential.

• Proceedings of the Korea Contents Association Conference
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• 2018.05a
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• pp.163-164
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• 2018

2017년 봄 한국과 프랑스는 우연하게도 새로운 정부가 탄생하였고, 각각의 새로운 정부는 여성들에게 우호적인 듯한 모습을 띠고 나타났다. 프랑스의 마크롱 정부는 내각에서부터 남녀비율을 5:5로 맞추어 획기적인 면모를 보여주었고, 문재인 정부는 마크롱정부와는 비교할 수는 없으니 여성에게 우호적인 모습으로 비추어졌다. 본 연구는 여성우호적인 모습으로 비춰진 두 정권의 실상이 어떠한가를 분석하면서 두 정권에서의 여성정치세력화의 본 모습을 찾아내는데 그 목적이 있다.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.43
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• pp.7-50
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• 2016

In the capitalized Joseon Dynasty under the Japanese colonial rule, most Gisaengs (female entertainers) were waiting for men who would save them from financial distress, but others chose to seize the opportunity imposed by the modern times and capitalization to transform their lives. Socialist Jung Chil-sung was one of those who utilized such opportunity to transform themselves through political awakening. The political awakening of Chung Chil-sung was the result of two factors-the historical occasion of the March $1^{st}$ movement and her personal labor experience as Gisaeng. The March $1^{st}$ movement was not only a colossal political incident externally manifested in nationalism and but also an occasion which educed the microscopic anger of a woman named Chung Chil-sung. In the early capitalist society, women with jobs were forced to play not only vocational tasks but also to subject themselves to emotional roles of being obedient and generous. In other words, those early career women suffered feelings such as anger, shame and humiliation, when they were defenselessly exposed to gender hierarchy and gender power in the public sphere. As shown in the case of Chung Chil-sung, these emotions led to a certain political awakening. The political awakening through the labor experience and emotional problems was the fact that helped Chung Chil-sung have a concrete and realistic understanding about the issue of women's economic dependence unlike other female socialists. But, although socialism was relatively the most appropriate language to explain Chung Chil-sung's experience, what she experienced contained several elements that cannot be explained by the elite socialist language. Therefore, her life paradoxically proved the need of lower-class women's lives to be divided and registered as a new emotion and to be politically visualized.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.17 no.12
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• pp.247-256
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• 2017

21st century has become an era can design human's image. By designing the each human's images it is possible to express the hidden abilities of their mind. Modern society changes rapidly where the elements such as consideration, sympathy, understandings, and female leadership of communication emerge as a spur rather than speediness or complexity.In a lot of global conglomerates, it is very common for women to be selected as CEO, and even more, the rate of woman who are the member of Congress is almost 40%. The fashion of female leader has come to the fore with an improvement of female leadership, and the fashion colour which is suitable to P.O has been developed as a significant image strategy. I am going to conduct the research and analyse the fashion of a female political leader through the colour image which is equivalent to a visual image and sensitive language. I will analyze the human image which female leaders present through fashion colors.

• The Korean Nurse
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• v.14 no.6 s.80
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• pp.45-46
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• 1975

• The Research Journal of the Costume Culture
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• v.23 no.4
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• pp.686-704
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• 2015

As mass media has come to intervene with politics in a more proactive way during modern times, the image of a politician has evolved into a more relevant factor compared with political content. This phenomenon is known as "image politics", and such externalized images as non-verbal cues have grown in importance, along with the numbers of female politicians. Thus image strategy has been instituted as a major research theme in the field of political marketing, especially for female politicians. In accordance with this theme, this study aims to approach fashion as part of image strategy of female politicians, in order to reemphasize political fashion as a valuable resource. The methodologies employed in this study are based on both the literature and positive research. Female politicians have long utilized fashion styles that are, or are assumed to be, the most appealing to their target base of support in a predominantly male-centered sector. In this sense, appropriate choices in the usage of apparel items, colors, hair styles, accessories, and others according to each situation and respective hierarchies are of the utmost importance. When attending official ceremonies and other related meetings, the strategic superiority afforded to a scientific approach based on thorough fashion research, compared with personal taste is imperative. The significance of this study lies within the recognition of the importance of fashion image, and how to utilize fashion for image strategy in practice, through the investigative synthesis and review of major preceding research.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.19
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• pp.125-153
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• 2002

Because most of feminist researches on the media have been primarily concerned with women's roles and representations in main scream mass media, women's media as alternative media remain remarkably understudied. Thus this study explores women's media in relation to women's movement during the period of US military Government in Korea. There were five women's newspapers which were means of women's movement in this period. However, failing to attract enough appropriate revenues and resort to fund-raising, women's newspapers could nor be published a long time. And women's newspapers as means of women's movement had the defects in women's representations because women's movement lacked a certain degree of autonomy from the male-dominated political activities. In other words, women's newspapers maintained women's participation in political areas, but on the other hand they emphasized the women's role as mother and housewife.

• 대학교육
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• s.96
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• pp.74-82
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• 1998

대학에서의 여성학 교육은, 고학력 여성들로 하여금 개인적 각성과 사회참여 욕구를 불러일으킬 뿐 아니라, 자신의 사회참여를 가로막는 그 장벽까지도 변화시켜 나가도록 인도함으로써 사회 전체의 경쟁력을 제고하는 중요한 요소가 되고 있다. 또한 하나하나의 개인적 경험들이 어떻게 사회 전체의 성(gender) 체계와 연관되어 있는지를 밝혀내고 이런 작업을 통해서 일상생활의 정치화를 유도함으로써, 개인의 범주를 넘어서는 사회구조를 인식할 수 있는 능력을 키운다.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.23 no.2
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• pp.249-256
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• 2017