• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.27
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• pp.35-62
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• 2004

This study examined how the three major newspapers covered the press reform movement in Korea. Despite that the NGOs and Korean government keep trying to reform the market and structure of the newspapers, the targeted newspapers argue that they are unjustly accused of the dominance of the press market made by the readers' choice. Using frame analysis and discourse analysis, this study analyzed the news coverage on the press reform for 6 months and revealed that these major newspapers presumed to be targeted were totally challenging against the press reform by means of flaming of news and using news discourse. The ways of challenge were, firstly they appealed to the readers that the press reform is the press suppress so that they have to fight against this unacceptable pressure. And secondly, they report the news selectively for their own interests by elaborating, magnifying, or reducing the facts. Thirdly, they attack the government policies and major figures leading the press reform by letting the outside columnists favorable to their own standing point. And finally, they conduct the poll on and off and report what they want according to their self interests.

• 대학교육
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• s.84
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• pp.97-105
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• 1996

대학 개혁의 개념, 대상과 목표를 지적하고 이에 대한 여론의 강력한 지원을 이끌어내는 것은 바로 언론이다. 그런데 언론 역시 대학과의 밀착 정도가 지나칠 정도이기 때문에 과연 언론이 대학 개혁을 필연적인 시대정신이라고 여기고 지원할 능력과 의사가 있는지는 미지수다. 대학 개혁은 필연적으로 언론 개혁과 동시에 진행되어야 할 것인 바, 다른 부문과 달라서 이 개혁은 각각의 내부역량의 민주화 정도가 그 성패를 좌우할 것으로 판단된다.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.14
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• pp.47-88
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• 2000

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.17
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• pp.112-144
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• 2001

This study attempts to analyze how and why Chosun Ilbo and Hankyoreh Shinmun produce particular social discourses about the media reform in different ways. In doing so, this paper attempts to disclose the ideological nature of media reform discourses in social contexts. For the purpose, a content analysis method was applied to the analysis of straight news, while an interpretive discourse analysis was appled to analyze both editorials and columns in newspapers. As a theoretical framework, an articulation theory was applied to explain the relationships among social forces, ideological elements, discourse practices and subjects to produce the media reform discourses. In doing so, I attempted to understand the overall conjuncture of the media reform aspects in social contexts. The period for the analysis was limited from January 10th to August 10th this year. Newspaper articles related to the media reform were obtained from the database of newspaper articles, "KINDS," produced by Korean Press Foundation, in searching the key word, "media reform". Total articles to be analyzed were 765, 429 from Hankyoreh Sinmun and 236 from Chosun Ilbo. The research results, first of all, empirically show that both Chosun Ilbo and Hankure Synmun used straight news for their firms' interests and value judgement, in selecting and excluding events related to media reform or in exaggerating and reducing the meanings of the events, although there are differences in a greater or less degree between two newspaper companies. Accordingly, this paper argues that the monopoly of newspaper subscriber by three major newspapers in Korean society could result in the forming of one-sided social consensus about various social issues through the distorting and unequal reporting by them. Second, this paper's discourse analysis related to the media reform indicates that the discourse of ideology confrontation between the right and the left produced by Chosen Ilbo functioned as a mechanism to realize law enforcement of the right in articulating the request of media reform and the anti-communist ideology. It resulted in the discursive effect of suppressing the request of media reform by civic groups and scholars and made many people to consider the media reform as a ideological matter in Korean society.

• The Korean Publising Journal, Monthly
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• s.232
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• pp.14-14
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• 1998

할말을 못한 채 본질을 호도하는 비겁함을 보여온 우리사회 언론에 대해 제자리로 돌아갈 것을 강력히 요구하는 세권의 책이 나란히 출간됐다. 저자들은 언론현장 또는 연구실에서 '반쪽거울'로 처신해온 언론의 면면을 예리한 비판의 시각으로 파헤치고 있다.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.82
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• pp.29-72
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• 2017

This study explores the ways that newspapers report the administrations' policies of 'university reform' from February 2008 to December 2015 through critical discourse analysis. As results, Donga-ilbo and Chosun-ilbo produce the discourse that the crisis of universities is so real and dangerous that it brings about the crisis of our nation, and that the current university systems should be changed into neoliberal systems because it is the critical reason of the crisis. Using various discursive strategies, they construct their reports as objective, real and embodying general goods and then successfully build the neoliberal discourse on university reform as commonsensical and natural. They finally acquire the discursive hegemony for university reform. Kyunghyang-shinmun and Hankyoreh-shinmun produce the anti-discourse against that of Donga-ilbo and Chosun-ilbo. However, they can not develop substantial hegemony struggles for the discourse of university reform because of the limitations of their discourse in terms of quantity and quality and the social and press structures overwhelmingly inclined for neo-liberalism.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.14
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• pp.267-287
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• 2000

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.25
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• pp.163-187
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• 2004

Recognizing the contemporary critical situation of local newspapers in Korea, the present study purposed to consider plans to overcome such a crisis from various aspects and examine the possibility to implement the plans. Specific research question was plans to promote local newspapers on political and legislative dimension. The result of this study proved that the issue of activating local press must be discussed basically in conjunction with the implications and functions of power decentralization. This study also considered the opinion that so-called structural problems, which cannot be tackled by local newspaper, must be intervened in by the government on the dimension of promoting local newspapers politically and legislatively. In particular, the meaning of this study lies in that it was focused on supporting methods to prepare a bill for the special law of local newspaper promotion support, and proposed specific and practical plans.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.81
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• pp.122-152
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• 2017

The media movement is a movement to separate from the political power and to dismantle the media power and to seek the control of citizens' media. Political power is the biggest factor that violates the fairness and independence of the media in the public domain. On the other hand, the factor that interferes with the healthy and responsible media of the press in the private sector is the media power originating from the owner. Citizens 'media campaign emphasizes citizens' mobility as a subject that monitors the political power and media power that have the sovereignty of the media belonging to the citizen and may infringe on this sovereignty.In the Lee Myung Bak - Park Geun Hye regime, the civil press movement was a period of resistance and struggle. Citizen media campaigns have completely collapsed with governance. As a result, the intellectuals who have expertise in the media have lost their place in the discussion and presentation of the policy alternatives in which the policy production is centered. The influence of citizen media organizations, which are centered on activists rather than citizen's direct action, is limited. In order to strengthen the power of the media reform, it is necessary to reconstruct social forces such as civil society, media unions, media organizations and political forces. We should also look for various ways in which citizens can participate actively in the agenda and activities of the movement. In addition, it is necessary to expand the movement of the media.

• 대학교육
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• s.152
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• pp.108-113
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• 2008