• Title/Summary/Keyword: 신체비례

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A Study on the Sketch of Trikaya Banner Painting in the Suta-sa Temple (수타사 삼신불괘불도(三身佛掛佛圖) 초본(草本) 연구)

  • Kim, Chang Kyun
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.42 no.4
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    • pp.112-131
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    • 2009
  • The Trikaya Banner Painting in the Suta-sa Temple at Hongcheon-gun, Gangwon-do draws attention as it was painted not on flax but on paper, and used the water color painting technique on the sketch rather than the deep color painting technique, which is most common in Buddhist paintings created during the Chosun Dynasty. Nevertheless, there is not any information on the creation of the Trikaya Banner Painting in the painting record on the painting, in Sutasasajeok(壽陀寺史蹟), or in Sutasagogirok(壽陀寺古記錄), so it is uncertain when the painting was created. Furthermore, because it was not drawn by the deep color painting technique, it has been difficult to compare it with other banner paintings. For these reasons, the Trikaya Banner Painting has been studied little except brief introduction. In recent preservation treatment that removed multiple-layered paper from the back of the painting, however, an inked inscription written on Korean paper 118cm high and 87.5cm wide was discovered on the back. It is a kind of placard notifying a number of acts prohibited in order to follow Buddha's teachings correctly, and was found to have been written on April 15, 1690. The inked inscription is a very valuable material for estimating the creation date of the Suta-sa Trikaya Banner Painting, and provides crucial clues for approaching the contents and nature of the painting more precisely. When the image, form, and style of the Suta-sa Trikaya Banner Painting were examined and its creation date was estimated based on the inked inscription, first, the painting is presumed to have been created in around 1690 as suggested by 'the placard' attached on the back instead of a painting record. Second, the painting is highly likely to be the first standing Trikaya banner painting showing the basic icons of Trikaya banner paintings in the Chosun Dynasty since the Trikaya Banner Painting in the Gap-sa Temple in Gongju (1650). Furthermore, considering the shape of the Trikaya in the painting, screen composition, background treatment, solemn and affectionate facial expression, harmonious and adequate body proportion, etc., the painting is believed to have had a considerable influence not only on Trikaya banner paintings of similar style in the 18thcentury but also on deep-color Trikaya banner paintings in the 19thcentury. Third, although the Suta-sa Trikaya Banner Painting is not acompleted work but a sketch, it exhibits the typical water color painting technique in which the strokes are clearly visible. Thus, it is considered highly valuable in understanding and analyzing stroke styles and in studying the history of Buddhist paintings. As there are not many extant banner paintings of the same style in form and expression technique as the Suta-sa Temple Trikaya Banner Painting, this study could not make thorough comparative analysis of the work, but still it is meaningful in that it laid the ground for research on standing Trikaya banner paintings in the 18thand 19thcenturies in the Chosun Dynasty.

Effects of 2-methoxy-1,4-naphthoquinone (MQ) on MCP-1 Induced THP-1 Migration (MCP-1에 의해 유도된 THP-1 유주에 미치는 2-methoxy-1,4-naphthoquinone (MQ)의 영향)

  • Kim, Si Hyun;Park, Bo Bin;Hong, Sung Eun;Ryu, Sung Ryul;Lee, Jang Ho;Kim, Sa Hyun;Lee, Pyeongjae;Cho, Eun-Kyung;Moon, Cheol
    • Korean Journal of Clinical Laboratory Science
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    • v.51 no.2
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    • pp.245-251
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    • 2019
  • This study examined the effects of 2-methoxy-1,4-naphthoquinone (MQ) on the monocyte chemoattractant protein-1 (MCP-1)-induced migration of monocytes, which is an important phenomenon for the body defense and immune response. MQ is a major component extracted from Impatiens balsamina leaves, which have been used for many years in Asian medicine for the treatment of a range of diseases and pain. The cytotoxicity of MQ began to appear at a concentration of $10{\mu}M$, and approximately 50% cytotoxicity was confirmed at $100{\mu}M$. The MCP-1 induced migration of the THP-1 monocyte cell line increased after MQ treatment in a dose dependent manner and the largest increase was observed at $0.1{\mu}M$. The level of cAMP expression decreased after a treatment with $0.1{\mu}M$ MQ. The phosphorylation of extracellular signal-regulated kinases 1/2 (Erk1/2), a key signaling protein involved in the signaling pathway of C-C motif chemokine receptor 2 (CCR2), a receptor for MCP-1, was increased by the simultaneous treatment of $0.1{\mu}M$ MQ. These results show that MQ increases the MCP-1-induced migration of THP-1, decreases the level of cAMP expression, and increases the level of Erk1/2 phosphorylation.

Buddhist Images in Myeongbujeon at Magoksa Temple in Gongju (공주 마곡사 명부전 불상 연구)

  • Choi, Sun-il
    • MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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    • v.98
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    • pp.130-153
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    • 2020
  • Using stylistic analysis and historical documents, this paper examines the production details of images enshrined in Myeongbujeon (Hall of the Underworld) at Magoksa Temple in Gongju, focusing on the wooden seated Ksitigarbha Bodhisattva and the stone Ten Kings of Hell. Inside Myeongbujeon, the wooden seated Ksitigarbha Bodhisattva is placed at the center, flanked by standing images of Mudokgwiwang and Domyeong-jonja, with images of the Ten Kings and their attendants along the walls. All of these images were transferred to Magoksa Temple in the latter half of the 1930s. The wooden seated Ksitigarbha Bodhisattva came from Jeonghyesa Temple in Cheongyang, the other sculptures came from Sinheungsa Temple in Imsil, and a painting of the Ten Kings came from Jeongtosa Temple in Nonsan. The wooden seated Ksitigarbha Bodhisattva is known to have been produced in 1677, around the same time as the stone sculptures of the Ten Kings. A close analysis of the details of the bodhisattva sculpture-including the facial features, body proportions, and drapery characteristics-strongly suggests that it was produced in the 1620s or 1630s by the monk sculptor Suyeon (who was active in the early half of the seventeenth century) or his disciples. In particular, the rendering of the drapery on the lower half of the body closely resembles Buddhist sculptures produced by Suyeon that are now enshrined at Bongseosa Temple in Seocheon (produced in 1619) and at Sungnimsa Temple in Iksan (produced at Bocheonsa Temple in Okgu in 1634). According to the votive inscription, the stone sculptures of the Ten Kings and their attendants were produced in 1677 under the supervision of the monk sculptor Seongil. However, these are the only known Buddhist images produced under Seongil, and no details about other monks involved in the production have ever been found, making it difficult to speculate about their lineage. Historical records do suggest that Seongil worked on other projects to produce or repair sculptures with disciples of the monk sculptors Hyehi or Unhye, indicating amicable relations between the two groups. Unlike most such images in the Honam or Yeongseo regions, the Ten Kings at Magoksa Temple are made from stone, rather than wood or clay. Also, the overall form and the drapery conform to statues of the Ten Kings that were popularly produced in the Yeongnam region. Thus, the images are believed to be the work of monks who were primarily active in Yeongnam, rather than Honam. In the future, a systematic investigation of wooden seated Ksitigarbha Bodhisattva images and stone Ten Kings of Hell images produced in the Chungnam region could illuminate more details about the production of the images at Magoksa Temple, and perhaps shed light on the conditions that led to the production of stone Buddhist sculptures in the Honam area during the late seventeenth century.

Actual Status of Constipation and Life Factors Affecting Constipation by Diagnosis of Rome in Female University Students in Korea (일부 한국여대생의 로마진단기준에 의한 변비 실태조사 및 변비에 영향을 미치는 생활요인)

  • Jung, Su-Jin;Chae, Soo-Wan;Sohn, Hee-Sook;Kim, Sook-Bae;Rho, Jeong-Ok;Baik, Sang-Ho;Kang, Myung-Hee;Kim, Gun-Hee;Kim, Mi-Hyun;Kim, Hyun-Sook;Park, Eun-Ju;Heo, Young-Ran;Cha, Youn-Soo
    • Journal of Nutrition and Health
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    • v.44 no.5
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    • pp.428-442
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    • 2011
  • This study investigated the actual status of constipation. In total, 978 female students in Korea participated. We identified the relationship among constipation and life style, clothing patterns, housing patterns, dietary habits, and dietary intake in a constipation symptom group and a normal group. The actual constipation rate based on the Rome II criteria was 27.0% (n = 264). Body weight (p < 0.05) and body mass index (p < 0.05) in the constipation group were significantly higher than those in the normal group. The incidence of functional bowel disease and irritable bowel syndrome in the constipation group were significantly higher than those in the normal group. The discomfort of wearing underwear was significantly higher in the constipation group than that in the normal group. The constipation group revealed a significantly higher rate of irregular dietary habits than those in the normal group. The dietary diversity score of the normal group was 4.22 (p < 0.05), which was significantly higher than that of constipation group (4.12). No significant difference in life style factors was observed. It is necessary for university female students to correct their dietary habits, maintain food intake of three times per day, and select diverse foods. Furthermore, it is necessary for university female students to wear comfortable clothing to lessen symptoms and improve constipation rates.