• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.22 no.2
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• pp.157-188
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• 2016

Since democratic transition in the early 1990s, constitutionalism is getting more important for democratic consolidation in Africa. Using Afribarometer data set, this paper explains influences on public confidence in judiciary. High levels of public trust in judiciary is a necessary condition for judicial system to work effectively in emerging democracy. Unlike existing studies focusing on the function of judiciary and legal procedures, this paper is interested in the relationship between how ordinary Africans perceive the attitudes of the chief executive toward judiciary, the rule of law, and judicial corruption and their confidence in judiciary. The results show that those who think that the chief executive is likely to respect the constitution and the judiciary, that the law applies to everyone equally, and that there are few corrupt judicial personnel are likely to show high levels of confidence in judiciary. This study argues that the tension between laws and politics have a significant influence on transitional justice in emerging democracy.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.59 no.4
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• pp.137-162
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• 2007

In democracy basic rights such as political equality and participation through elections have been respected, opportunities of corporation and opposition have been guaranteed, and ability of self-learning and self-correction have been developed. These positive factors give preconditions for the welfare development in the democratic state. Because in this state adults get the suffrage and the open competition for official positions induces political parties use social policies as means to win the election. That is to say, political parties have an incentive to use various social policies to win the election. Democracy, therefore, has affinity with social policy. The affinity between democracy and social policy can be found also in Korea which was democratized in 1987. But, in Korea, the positive relationship between democracy and social policy is very weak due to the problem of constitutional structures. Korean Parliament usually enacts abstract social act and delegates the right to fill concrete contents of the social acts to the executive. Delegation itself has no problem, but excessive delegation is a problem since the executive can overuse its discretion as sacrificing the social rights of the citizen. In addition social consensus could not be achieved in this constitutional structures, which are a obstacle to establishing a political process in the Parliament to promote the welfare development through party competition. Excessive delegation should be reduced, and the Parliament should fill concrete contents of the social acts as exercising its legislative power more. Then a mechanism of welfare development can be launched in Korea.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.18
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• pp.269-303
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• 2002

This article presents a historical account of media role in the transition and consolidation period of democracy. Despite the assumption that media plays a important role in the construction of democracy, it is less clear how the media can affect the process of political change itself. This article seeks to answer some of these question, based on the Mill's macro-social comparative 'method of difference' of Korea and Spain. It is widely agreed that both states achieve democracy through transaction from above(pacts). Media role, however, differs significantly in accordance with authoritarian legacies and civic representativeness of the pacts. Whereas Korean dailies is deepening given market oligopoly and prior practices after democratization, Spain dailies market entirely changed in both structural and spiritual respects. As a result, Korean dailies substantially lacks in civic representativeness as before, contrary to Spain. Spain television settled a sort of the external pluralism. Korean television is pursuing the BBC type of internal pluralism. In Korea, television is more commercial than Spain. Consequently, Spain media serve the consolidation of democracy more than Korea on the whole.

• Journal of Korean Home Economics Education Association
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• v.19 no.4
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• pp.137-151
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• 2007

The characteristics of Hyeonmoyangcheo-ism (wise mother, good wife) in the 1950s, which were observed through the girls' school curriculums and homekeeping textbooks, were arranged as follows. Firstly, Hyeonmoyangcheo-ism in homekeeping textbooks in the 1950s stressed the modern housewife. The Confucianwomen's virtues, such as submissiveness, faithfulness and samjongjido (obedience to father, husband and son), that were in girls' moral training and home management textbooks during the Japanese imperialism. This was a part of girls' education built on democracy and equality asserted by a new Korea, the 'modern nation'. Secondly, with the increasing demands for women's labor after the Korean War, women's occupations were reinforced and incorporated in homekeeping textbooks in the 1950s. Even though having a job was a secondary task to the role of a homemaker, the details of women's occupation illustrates the characteristics of Hyeonmoyangcheo-ism in this period of time. Thirdly, The resident practice program emphasized the tradition women's behavior along with the modern homemaker, the rational designer of homekeeping. This seems to have been reinforced from the criticism towards women based on Westernization after the Korean War.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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• v.40 no.1
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• pp.69-80
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• 2012

The garden has long served as away of thinking about nature and about culture and how each influences the other (Francis and Hester, 1990). This study, viewing the garden as a representation of the ideal, tried to seek for detailed aspects of the aforementioned ideal with the representative examples of Thomas Jefferson's gardens. Hidden behind his best known position as a politician was his other career: designer and creator of several gardens. Monticello, Academical Village, and Poplar Forest represented not only his ideals of national values like freedom, democracy and agrarian society, but also a yearning for the rural area and ideals for higher education realization. His personal desire and ideal are represented inside the spatial order, together with his ideals as a politician and the pioneer of new country. By representing the symbolic meaning metaphorically and restructuring it through a spatial scheme, Jefferson's ideal was admired and shared with visitors. In this way, Jefferson's gardens were practical stages to reveal his ideals.