• The Sea:JOURNAL OF THE KOREAN SOCIETY OF OCEANOGRAPHY
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• v.13 no.3
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• pp.286-294
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• 2008

In order to understand the physical properties of deep-sea sediments, which mainly consist of pelagic red clays, sediment samples were collected at 24 stations using a multiple corer in the Clarion-Clipperton fracture zone of the northeast equatorial Pacific. The sampled sediment cores were examined for the mass physical properties(i.e. grain size distribution, mean grain size, water content, specific grain density, wet bulk density, void ratio, and porosity) and the geotechnical properties(i.e. shear strength and consistency limits) with the content of biogenic opal and mineral composition. Although KR1 and KR2 areas on the same latitude are logitudinally far from each other, the mass physical properties of these areas are not distinctly different except for shear strengths. The maximum shear strength of surface sediments in KR2 area is higher than that in KR1 due to the appearance of a consolidated lower layer(Unit 3) in the sediment core from KR2.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.30 no.2
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• pp.72-89
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• 2012

This study aimed to reconsider the theory that the renowned Amisan(峨眉山) terraced garden at north of Gyotaejeon(交泰殿) was artificially made, by reviewing the historical records and drawings. It has been widely accepted that Amisan was made of the digged soil from Gyeonghoeji(慶會池). But several arguments about artificial mountain theory of Amisan that completely not be found in historical records have been raised in this study. The results were summarized as follows; the inherent contradiction in existing opinion, the discordance between the time of building Gyeonghoeji and Gyotaejeon, the existence of the mountain range which connect Baekaksan and Amisan appeared in Dohyeong(圖形), historical documents written in the years of kingdoms of Youngjo(英祖) and Gojong(高宗), a high position seen from Heungbogjeon(興復殿) in the north Amisan through the wall in the east but impassable, an opinion about realization Amisan as geomantic term of Amisa(蛾眉砂) at the time of Gyeongbok Palace reconstruction, and preservation of the mountain range in Gyeongbok Palace that comes from the result of the arguments in main mountain of Gyeongbok Palace in the year of Sejong(世宗). In addition, it was investigated why the slop in the north of Gyotaejeon was named as Aminsan and why the artificial mountain theory is appeared and made a conclusion that the Amisan comes from the change of the pronunciation of the geomantic term "Amisa", and modeling the yijing[意景] of Amisan which is a sacred place of Taoism and Buddhism in Sichuan[四川] of Chinaand the view of construction to mean defeating a spirit of smallpox which had to be cured. And it seems to be a result which retroactively applied the artificial mountain theory of Amisanis the technique of 'constructing mountain with digged pond dirt' to the relationship between Gyeonghoeji and Amisan. The greater part of mountain range which was connecting with Baekaksan and Amisan was seriously disconnected with large scale of exposition by the Japanese colonial period in 1915. But low slope is kept about 70 meters along the trail northeast of Gyotaejeon. Accordingly, it is judged that the range has not been entirely destroyed. And according to the result of elevation analysis, discontinuous slope form certain axis is found, so the mountain range of Amisan is approximately estimated. This basic research about the mountain range of Amisan might provide a critical clue about restoration of topography in Gyeongbok Palace.

• Asia-Pacific Journal of Business Venturing and Entrepreneurship
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• v.14 no.4
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• pp.199-209
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• 2019

The importance of business strategy for successful social media engagement has quickly increased as more businesses engage in social media. The importance is even greater for startup companies because startup companies are genuinely new to business, and they need to increase their presence in the market, and quickly access future customers. The objective of this paper lies in exploring key indicators of social media engagements by selected startup companies. The key indicators include two aspects of social media usages by the companies: i) overall social media activities, and ii) properties of network structure of the information flow platform provided by social media service. To better assess and evaluate the key indicators of social media usages by startup companies, the indicators will be compared with those of selected large established companies. Twitter is selected as a social media service for the analysis of this paper, and using Twitter REST API, data regarding the key indicators of overall Twitter activities and the Twitter follower-network of each company in the sample are collected. Then, the data are analyzed using social network analysis and hierarchical clustering analysis to examine the characteristics of the follower-network structures and to compare the characteristics between startup companies and established companies. The results show that most indicators are significantly different across startup companies and established companies. One key interesting finding is that the startup companies have proportionally more influencers in their follower-networks than the established companies have. Another interesting finding is that the follower-networks of startup companies in the sample have higher modularity and higher transitivity, suggesting that the startup companies tend to have a proportionally larger number of communities of users in their follower-networks, and the users in the networks are more tightly connected and cohesive internally. The key business implication for the future social media engagement efforts by startup companies in general is that startup companies may need to focus on getting more attention from influencers and promoting more cohesive communities in their follower-networks to appreciate the potential benefits of social media in the early stage of business of startup companies.

• Journal of Korean Historical Folklife
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• no.45
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• pp.291-325
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• 2014

This study is about examining the changing process of worshiping heaven in the end of the Koryo dynasty and early Chosun dynasty. For this, it was compared with book of national rites. This paper will outline the differences of commemorative rites of worshiping heaven between Korea and China and its reason for changing process. Also, it shows the understanding of the historic characteristics of commemorative rites of worshiping heaven in the end of the Koryo dynasty and early Chosun dynasty through analyzing conducted religious service. Following methodological approach was used to achieve the aim of the study. The study includes historical changing process and basic ritual of commemorative rites of worshiping heaven from Koryo dynasaty to King Sejo period through various chronicles and books of rites. Understanding the trend transition of operating commemorative rites of worshiping heaven is expressed differently based on the situation in those days even though it is the same operation of commemorative rites of worshiping heaven. The existing study only primarily considered the rites of worshiping heaven in the end of the Koryo dynasty and early Chosun dynasty through the resources within the country. However, the process of settlement of commemorative rites of worshiping heaven is closely related to settlement of Confucian formality. As the problems cannot be solved if institutional changes are researched only though the resources within the nation, this following study also considered the transition of commemorative rites of worshiping heaven in China for sure. Through this approach, the study understood how China's rites of worshiping heaven settled down and formed in Korea and found differences of the rites of worshiping heaven between the two nations by comparing China's book with ornamental "seal" characters throughout many generations. Furthermore, it also illustrated historical characteristics of rites of worshiping heaven in the end of the Koryo dynasty and early Chosun dynasty by analyzing carried out religious service. Although it seems like there are many similarities of Chinese ritual procedure between Koryo dynasty and Chosun dynasty, there are existing significant differences in the context. Moreover, it is clear that there are differences of ritual between Tang, Song, Ming dynasty. These differences are directly connected to Korea and also with transition of king's power. Generally, Tang and Song dynasty show similar trend whilst Ming clarifies the differences between the two. For instance, there are differences between deep bow and superintendent of cho-hun, a-hun, and jong-hun. Transition of configuration is also one of the major differences. Changing of configuration has considerably important meaning refer to status of king's power. Analyzing specific features, such as size of altar, ancestral tablet, people who participate in sacrifices, okpye, configuration, and etc., made possible to consider the actual differences, not just examining different features of vaguely. Based on this foundation, the study closely examined the differences among the periods between the nations and gave the significance of the differences.

• Journal of Ginseng Culture
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• v.4
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• pp.103-127
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• 2022

The influx of modern culture in the early 20th century in Korea led to numerous changes in the country's ginseng industry. With the development of ginseng cultivation technology and commerce, the production and consumption of ginseng increased, and various ginseng products were developed using modern manufacturing technology. Consequently, competition for the sales of these products became fierce. At that time, newspaper advertisements showed detailed trends in the development and sales competition of ginseng products. Before 1920, however, there were few advertisements of ginseng in newspapers. This is thought to be because newspapers had not yet been generalized, and the ginseng industry had not developed that much. Ginseng advertisements started to revitalize in the early 1920s after the launch of the Korean daily newspapers Dong-A Ilbo and Chosun Ilbo. Such advertisements in this period focused on emphasizing the traditional efficacy of Oriental medicine and the mysterious effects of ginseng. There were many advertisements for products that prescribed the combination of ginseng and deer antler, indicating the great popularity of this prescription at the time. Furthermore, advertisements showed many personal experience stories about taking such products. Mail order and telemarketing sales were already widely used in the 1920s . In 1925, there were advertisements that ginseng products were delivered every day. The advertisements revealed that ginseng roots were classified more elaborately than they are now according to size and quality. Ginseng products in the 1920s did not deviate significantly from the scope of traditional Oriental medicine formulations such as liquid medicine, pill, and concentrated extract. In the 1930s, ginseng advertisements became more active. At this time, experts such as university professors and doctors in medicine or in pharmacy appeared in the advertisements. They recommended ginseng products or explained the ingredients and medicinal effects of the products. Even their experimental notes based on scientific research results appeared in the advertisements to enhance the reliability of the ginseng products. In 1931, modern tablet advertisements appeared. Ginseng products supplemented with vitamins and other specific ingredients as well as ginseng thin rice gruel for the sick appeared at this time. In 1938, ginseng advertisements became more popular, and advertisements using talents as models, such as dancer Choi Seunghee or famous movie stars, models appeared. Ginseng advertisements in the 1920s and 1930s clearly show a side of our rapidly changing society at the time.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.98
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• pp.104-129
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• 2020

Designated as a national treasure of Korea and inscribed on the UNESCO World Heritage List, the Tripitaka Koreana at Haeinsa Temple is the world's oldest and most comprehensive extant version of the Tripitaka in Hanja script (i.e., Chinese characters). The set consists of 81,352 carved woodblocks, some of which have two or more copies, which are known as "duplicate woodblocks." These duplicates are supplementary woodblocks (bogakpan) that were carved some time after the original production, likely to replace blocks that had been eroded or damaged by repeated printings. According to the most recent survey, the number of supplementary woodblocks is 118, or approximately 0.14% of the total set, which attests to the outstanding preservation of the original woodblocks. Research on the supplementary woodblocks can reveal important details about the preservation and management of the Tripitaka Koreana woodblocks. Most of the supplementary woodblocks were carved during the Joseon period (1392-1910) or Japanese colonial period (1910-1945). Although the details of the woodblocks from the Japanese colonial period have been recorded and organized to a certain extent, no such efforts have been made with regards to the woodblocks from the Joseon period. This paper analyzes the characteristics and production date of the supplementary woodblocks of the Tripitaka Koreana. The sutra with the most supplementary woodblocks is the Maha Prajnaparamita Sutra (Perfection of Transcendental Wisdom), often known as the Heart Sutra. In fact, 76 of the total 118 supplementary woodblocks (64.4%) are for this sutra. Hence, analyses of printed versions of the Maha Prajnaparamita Sutra should illuminate trends in the carving of supplementary woodblocks for the Tripitaka Koreana, including the representative characteristics of different periods. According to analysis of the 76 supplementary woodblocks of the Maha Prajnaparamita Sutra, 23 were carved during the Japanese colonial period: 12 in 1915 and 11 in 1937. The remaining 53 were carved during the Joseon period at three separate times. First, 14 of the woodblocks bear the inscription "carved in the mujin year by Haeji" ("戊辰年更刻海志"). Here, the "mujin year" is estimated to correspond to 1448, or the thirtieth year of the reign of King Sejong. On many of these 14 woodblocks, the name of the person who did the carving is engraved outside the border. One of these names is Seonggyeong, an artisan who is known to have been active in 1446, thus supporting the conclusion that the mujin year corresponds to 1448. The vertical length of these woodblocks (inside the border) is 21 cm, which is about 1 cm shorter than the original woodblocks. Some of these blocks were carved in the Zhao Mengfu script. Distinguishing features include the appearance of faint lines on some plates, and the rough finish of the bottoms. The second group of supplementary woodblocks was carved shortly after 1865, when the monks Namho Yeonggi and Haemyeong Jangung had two copies of the Tripitaka Koreana printed. At the time, some of the pages could not be printed because the original woodblocks were damaged. This is confirmed by the missing pages of the extant copy that is now preserved at Woljeongsa Temple. As a result, the supplementary woodblocks are estimated to have been produced immediately after the printing. Evidently, however, not all of the damaged woodblocks could be replaced at this time, as only six woodblocks (comprising eight pages) were carved. On the 1865 woodblocks, lines can be seen between the columns, no red paint was applied, and the prayers of patrons were also carved into the plates. The third carving of supplementary woodblocks occurred just before 1899, when the imperial court of the Korean Empire sponsored a new printing of the Tripitaka Koreana. Government officials who were dispatched to supervise the printing likely inspected the existing blocks and ordered supplementary woodblocks to be carved to replace those that were damaged. A total of 33 supplementary woodblocks (comprising 56 pages) were carved at this time, accounting for the largest number of supplementary woodblocks for the Maha Prajnaparamita Sutra. On the 1899 supplementary woodblocks, red paint was applied to each plate and one line was left blank at both ends.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.56 no.4
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• pp.230-246
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• 2023

The wooden fence(木柵), which began to appear in the Bronze Age and is presumed to be the oldest defense facility in human history, was used as a fortress for the purpose of further strengthening military defense functions until after the Japanese Invasion of Korea in 1592 in the Joseon Dynasty(壬辰倭亂). As it was established as the concept of a fortress or a fence installed outside a fence castle(城柵) or barracks fence(營柵), its importance as an essential facility for defense was further highlighted. This study is the result of exploring wooden fence that were used as official facilities during the Joseon Dynasty, focusing on literature surveys such as 『Annals of the Joseon Dynasty』 and 『New Jeungdonggukyeojiseungram』 In this study, in particular, the conclusion of this study is as follows, focusing on the use and function of Nokgakseong(鹿角城), underwater wooden fence, installation methods, and materials of wooden fences, is as follows. The conclusions of this study, which focused on the materials of the wooden fence, are as follows. First, as invasions by foreign enemies became more frequent in the late Goryeo and early Joseon Dynasty, wooden fences played a major role as a major out-of-castle defense facility((防禦施設). In addition, wooden fences were modified and installed into various types such as wooden fences(木柵城), Nokgakseong, a fence made up of large branches in the shape of a deer antler, and underwater wooden fences(水中木柵) according to the circumstances of the times, government policy, and location environment. Second, wooden fences were installed in strategic locations in defense facilities for military purposes, such as mountain fortress(山城), fortresses(營), camps(鎭), forts(堡), and castles(邑城) in strategic locations, and were used for defense in case of emergency. According to the urgency of farming, it was installed in accordance with the non-farming season, when it is easy to mobilize manpower to avoid the busy farming season. The size of the wooden fence of the Joseon Dynasty, which are confirmed through literature records, was converted into Pobaekchuk(布帛尺), and the circumference was very diverse from 4,428chuk(2,066m) to 55chuk(25m). Third, Nokgakseong is an efficient combat support facility that is more aggressive than a general wooden fence, and the records of Nokgakseong in the Annals of the Joseon Dynasty appeared during the King Sejong period the record was 20 times, the most. By region, it was found that it was mainly installed in coastal rugged areas such as Pyeongan and Hamgildo(12), which are the 6-jin areas of the 4th Army. Fourth, in the early 15th century, as the royal court established a maritime defense strategy for the coastal area of the southern coast, after the Sampo Invasion(三浦倭亂), riots by Japanese settlers in Sampo in 1510, major military posts including eupseong(邑城), camps, and forts were established. The installation of underwater barriers around various government facilities rapidly increased as a defense facility to block the warships of Japanese pirates around various government facilities. Fifth, between the 15th and 17th centuries before and after the Japanese Invasion of Korea in Sampo, underwater fences were installed in the Southern coast and Ganghwa Island. In particular, in the 15th century, underwater fences were intensively installed in coastal areas of Gyeongsangnam-do, such as Jepo. Pine trees and Oaks are the main materials used for underwater fences, but other materials such as Oldham's meliosma, Loose-flower hornbeam and The vines of arrowroots were also used as materials for wooden fences.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.104
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• pp.102-142
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• 2023

The Bronze Bell of Wongaksa Temple, also known as the Bosingak Bell, was produced in 1468 during the reign of King Sejo for dedication at Wongaksa Temple in the middle of the capital Hanyang in celebration of the tenth anniversary of his accession to the throne. It is currently heavily damaged and cannot be struck. This paper focuses on the man-made damage inflicted on the Bosingak Bell and explores when, why, and by whom the bell was damaged along with the historical significance of this damage. In the first section, the relevant literature is reviewed and the problems concerned, research perspective, and methodology are presented. The history of related theories is investigated focusing on the relationship between Bosingak Bell and Wongaksa Bell. The perspective that Bosingak Bell and Wongaksa Bell are the same is introduced. My discussion will be developed from this perspective. In the second section, the background to King Sejo's construction of Wongaksa Bell is examined. Specifically, the bells commissioned by the kings of the early Joseon era are divided into court bells (jojong) and Buddhist bells (beomjong). They total four court bells and three Buddhist bells. The former are the Jongnu Tower Bell commissioned by King Taejo, Donhwamun Gate Bell by King Taejong, Gwanghwamun Gate Bell by King Sejong, and Sajeongjeon Hall Bell by King Sejo. The latter are the bells of Yongmunsa, Heungcheonsa (or Jeongneungsa) and Wongaksa Temples, all of which were made during the reign of King Sejo. Sejo also made Wongaksa Bell and gave it the meaning that the monarch and the Buddha both wish to enlighten the people through the sound of the bells. In the third section, traces of the man-made damage done to Bosingak Bell are closely examined. By observing the current condition of Bosingak Bell and comparing it with the contemporaneous Heungcheongsa Bell (1462) and Bongseonsa Bell (1469), the components of Bosingak Bell that were damaged can be identified. The damaged parts are again divided into Buddhist elements and non-Buddhist elements. The former includes the reversed lotus petals on the shoulder band, four standing bodhisattvas, and the inscription of the bell composed by Choe Hang. The latter includes lists of chief supervisors (dojejo). I describe the phenomenon of deliberately damaging Buddhist elements on bells as "effacement of Buddhism," meaning Buddhist images and inscriptions are eliminated, and I note the prevailing rejection of Buddhism theory among Neo-Confucianists as its ideological root. The erasure of non-Buddhist images was probably caused by political conflicts such as Yeonsangun's purge in 1504. Since both ideological and political factors played a role in the changes made to Bosingak Bell, the damage was possibly done between the Purge of 1504 and the abdication of Yeonsangun in 1506. Chapter four traces the transformation of the Buddhist bell of Wongaksa Temple into the Bosingak court bell. Finally completed in 1468, the Wongaksa Bell only served its role as a Buddhist bell at related services for a relatively brief period of 36 years (until 1504). Wongaksa Temple was closed down and the bell lost its Buddhist function. In 1536, it was moved from Wongaksa Temple to Namdaemun Gate, where it remained silent for the next 90 years until it was struck again in November 1594. However, after the destruction of the Jongnu Bell in a fire during the Japanese Invasions of Korea (1592-1598), the Buddhist bell from Wongaksa Temple became a court bell. The Wongaksa Temple bell was relocated to Jongnu Tower in 1619, traveling through Myeongdong Pass. From then on, as the official Jongnu Bell (later renamed Bosingak Bell), it was regularly rung at dawn and dusk every day for nearly 300 years until 1908, when Japanese authorities halted the ritual. The transformation of the Wongaksa Bell (a Buddhist bell) to Bosingak Bell (a court bell) means that the voice of the Buddha was changed to the voice of the king. The concept of "effacement of Buddhism," evident in the transformation of Wongaksa Bell to Bosingak Bell, was practiced widely on almost every manifestation of Buddhism throughout the Joseon period. In short, the damage evident in Bosingak Bell underscores the debuddhismization in Korean society during the Joseon Dynasty.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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• v.40 no.4
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• pp.62-77
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• 2012

This study aimed to investigate the Confucian-oriented agriculture phase of the Joseon Dynasty, which was reflected at the palaces, by analyzing constructional aspects and spatial characteristics of farmlands at the palace rear gardens. The objective sites were the rear gardens of Gyeongbok Palace, Changkyung Palace, and the outside of Sinmoomoon(神武門) This study was based on literature reviews. The farmlands at the palace rear garden were constructed to self-estimate the year's harvest condition within the palaces. It was a part of the agriculture encouragement policy on governing the group of Joseon like publishing the Nongsajiksul(農事直說) and establishing the Chingyeongnye(親耕禮: king's own cultivation ceremony) and Kikokje(祈穀祭: the rite of praying for grain). In addition, farmlands of the rear garden were operated from the beginning of the state almost until the Japanese colonial era. The results were summarized as follows: First, Gyeongbok Palace rear garden's farmland which begin at the reign of Sejong(世宗) existed at the present Hyangwonji(香遠池) area. It was constructed in order to check the advanced agricultural technologies. The rear garden's farmland in Changkyung Palace, which was executed during the reign of Seongjong(成宗), was constructed right after the initial Chingyeongnye of the Joseon Dynasty. Therefore, it might be understood as the context of the king's own cultivation of the Jeokjeonchinkyung(籍田親耕). Injo(仁祖) dug for farmland in the ground of the Gyemgdeok Palace(慶德宮) though there was some stay palace, when his stay dragged out for too long. This bespeaks that those farmlands at the palace rear gardens were of great importance in the Joseon political history. The farmland near Gyeongnongjae(耕農齋), which was made during the reign of Gojong(高宗), inherited predecessor's walks of the promoting agriculture and exhibited spatial compositions such as the rear garden's farmland at Changkyung Palace. Secondly, irrigation, its water systems, the name of observatory to study farming[觀耕臺] and location requirements for farmland had something in common. It was assumed as universal forms of physiocracy-space in the Joseon Dynasty. In this study, by considering aspects of operating about vegetable garden managed by eunuchs and of the orchard in palace to cultivate fruits for national ceremonies, it could be assumed that landscape architecture of royal palace in the Joseon Dynasty did not only focus on solemnity, orderliness and fanciness but also on the practical and productive which was helpful in life. In addition, the diverse activities of productive landscape architecture led by the royal family in palaces, and the initiatively tested advanced agricultural technologies by the king were considered as an aspect of the Korean traditional specific royal palace landscape architecture. That is considered sole landscape not only to love of the people but also the 'agriculture-first' principle which were absent from other nations.

• KOREAN JOURNAL OF CROP SCIENCE
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• v.50 no.spc1
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• pp.19-23
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• 2005

This study was carried out to compare the rice quality between domestic brand rice and imported Chinese rice. In the appearance of grain, head rice rates were $96.1\%$ in domestic brand rice (Ilpumbyeo), $94.1\%$ in Jingguan (Chinese brand rice) and $86.5\%$ in Xiaozhandao(Chinese brand rice). In case of Chinese parboiled rice, the head rice rate was $0\%$ because the cracked and broken rice occupied about $95.5\%$. The low protein contents in Ilpumbyeo and Xiaozhandao as 6.5 and $6.7\%$ show relatively high palatability as 81.9 and 71.4. However, high protein contents in Jingguan and Chinese parboiled rice as 7.5, $7.4\%$ show low palatability as 64.3 and 55.6. In viscosity characteristics, peak viscosity, break down and final viscosity were higher in Ilpumbyeo and Xiaozhandao, midium in Jingguan and lowest in Chinese parboiled rice. And the set back value, which was negatively related with amylose content, was lowest in Ilpumbyeo and highest in Chinese parboiled, suggesting slow deterioration in Ilpumbyeo and rapid deterioration in Chinese parboiled rice. Overall physical components of cooked rice measured by Texture Analyser were higher in Ilpumbyeo than those in Chinese parboiled rice.