• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.59
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• pp.215-240
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• 2018

In this paper, the contents about funeral rites in "the Book of Etiquette and Ceremonial"(儀禮) were compared to those in the books of Hundred Schools of Thought. The most direct and systematic document related to funeral rites is "the Book of Etiquette and Ceremonial". Some of its contents had been reflected in the books of Hundred Schools of Thought, such as "Zuo Zhuan", "Mozi" and "Xunzi", while others didn't agree with one another. It happened because some contents had been already reflected in the books of Hundred Schools of Thought in the process of establishing scriptures about manners including the ancient "Book of Etiquette and Ceremonial", and because, on the contrary, the contents of the books of Hundred Schools of Thought had become included in the scriptures about manners by following Confucianism. First, the basic contents of Chapter 'Mourning Clothes' in "the Book of Etiquette and Ceremonial" were generally reflected in the books of Hundred Schools of Thought, and there are many contents in common. Most prominently, three-year-mourning for parents and a king had been enhanced in Confucianism commonly. Although Mohism opposed Confucian luxurious and long funerals (厚葬久喪), the mourning clothing system in "the Book of Etiquette and Ceremonial" can be said to have been people's universal understanding until the Spring and Autumn period at least. In addition, it has been verified that there were differences in the mourning clothes depending on the one who wore them was an adult or not both in "the Book of Etiquette and Ceremonial" and the books of Hundred Schools of Thought. On the other hand, many arguments in the contents about funeral rites reflected in the books of Hundred Schools of Thought were different from the rules in "the Book of Etiquette and Ceremonial". In particular, the mourning clothes for parents reflected in the books of Hundred Schools of Thought showed that there were differences depending on social positions, which was dissimilar to the regulations in "the Book of Etiquette and Ceremonial". Also, different from the mourning clothes system for parents and a king, the system for a wife and a concubine was dissimilar to the rules in "the Book of Etiquette and Ceremonial" in many ways. Since the regulations of Chapter of 'Mourning Clothes' in the present version of "the Book of Etiquette and Ceremonial" suggest different mourning clothes and periods depending on who wears the mourning clothes and what social position the deceased had, it seems difficult to implement them strictly historically as well as at those times. Especially, while the funeral rituals for a child was relatively clear based on the parent-child relationship of "affection" and those for a king and parents were plainly regulated and emphasized, the rules of those for a vassal and a wife were absent or ambiguous in many cases. Therefore, the term of "the Theee Bonds"(三綱) appeared first in Dong Zhongshu(董仲舒)'s "Luxuriant Dew of the Spring and Autumn Annals"(春秋繁露) that reflected the ideology of political ethics of Han Dynasty(漢代), but regarding its contents, it can be said to have been already reflected in "the Book of Etiquette and Ceremonial".

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.53 no.4
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• pp.60-77
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• 2020

An assumption can be made that, as a start point for the recognition and utilization of cultural heritage, the "choice" of such would reflect the cultural ideology of the ruling power at that time. This has finally been proved by the case of Korea in the 20th century. First, in the late Korean Empire (1901-1910), the prevailing cultural ideology had been inherited from the Joseon Dynasty. The main objects that the Joseon Dynasty tried to protect were royal tombs and archives. During this time, an investigation by the Japanese into Korean historic sites began in earnest. Stung by this, enlightened intellectuals attempted to recognize them as constituting independent cultural heritage, but these attempts failed to be institutionalized. During the 1910-1945 Japanese occupation, the Japanese led investigations to institutionalize Korean cultural heritage, which formed the beginning of the current cultural heritage management system. At that time, the historical investigation, designation, protection, and enhancement activities led by the Japanese Government-General of Korea not only rationalized their colonial occupation of Korea but also illustrated their colonial perspective. Korean nationalists processed the campaign for the love of historical remains on an enlightening level, but they had their limits in that the campaign had been based on the outcome of research planned by the Japanese. During the 1945-2000 period following liberation from Japan, cultural heritage restoration projects took places that were based on nationalist ideology. People intended to consolidate the regime's legitimacy through these projects, and the enactment of the 'Cultural Heritage Charter' in 1997 represented an ideology in itself that stretched beyond a means of promoting nationalist ideology. During the past 20 centuries, cultural heritage content changed depending on the whims of those with political power. Such choices reflected the cultural ideology that the powers at any given time held with regard to cultural heritage. In the background of this cultural heritage choice mechanism, there have been working trade-off relationships formed between terminology and society, as well as the ideological characteristics of collective memories. The ruling party has tried to implant their ideology on their subjects, and we could consider that it wanted to achieve this by being involved in collective memories related to traditional culture, so called-choice, and utilization of cultural heritage.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.17
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• pp.197-225
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• 2004

The respective history of the Chinese Ancient Dynasties from the era of the ancient Emperors to the revolutionary era of Yin-Zhou殷周 was described in the Rongchengshi容成氏, one of the texts in Shanghai Bowuguan zang Zhanguo Chuzhushu(II)上海博物館藏戰國楚竹書(二) discovered in 1994 at an antique market in Hong Kong. Drawn from the historical explanations expressed in it, the anonymous author's own views on history could be observed as largely being composed of 'resignation'禪讓, 'usurpation'簒奪, and 'banishment/smite'放伐. Following the advent of the recently excavated bamboo slips of Rongchengshi, a careful reconsideration is urgently needed to the established interpretation on the origin of the ritual of resignation in the relevant academic circles. Because it shows us that the ritual of resignation as a way of the succession, judging from my analysis, was already realized by Nine Emperors('Rongchengshi', Zunlushi尊盧氏, Hexushi赫胥氏, Gaoxinshi高辛氏, Cangjieshi倉頡氏, Xuanyuanshi軒轅氏, Shennongshi神農氏, 渾沌氏, and Baoxishi包羲氏 and maybe the more) before the era of 'Yao-Shun'堯舜. Accordingly, the aforementioned fact, which has never been elaborated in the previous texts including the first Chinese historiography Shiji史記, is the only peculiar feature to the Rongchengshi itself. Thus, a simple but empirically important question could be raised here: Was this way of description an exceptional case, even as unaccepted in Warring States Period at that time? If then, the Rongchengshi could not but help being evaluated merely as a buried historical texts, without any influence on the ancient Chinese, along with its author. The Chu bamboo slips Tangyu zhi dao唐虞之道 from Guodian Chujian郭店 excavated in 1993, however, has a very similar content to the Rongchengshi in relevance to the historical existence of the ritual of resignation. From the sentence, expressed in Tangyu zhi dao, that "the sudden rise of 'Six Emperors'六帝 was due to the practice of resignation like the period of Yao-Shun", it could be easily presumed that the 'Six Emperors' was closely connected to the 'Nine Emperors' and maybe the more at that time. Comparing with the related extant literary texts and the excavated materials in a vigorous way, in this paper, I explore four significant questions from a more critical stand to the conventional studies. First of all, I explicate the distinctiveness of the Rongchengshi as an academically very precious materials. Secondly, and closely related to the above, I evaluate its status or significance in the history of the Chinese ancient thoughts. And thirdly, I make an endeavor to trace back to the date of its transcription. Finally, and the most crucially, I attempt to show what Schools it was originated from and what connections it had with the Schools in the acient China. In sum, some concluding remarks, having somewhat insightful and significant implications for the further studies in these issues, could be drawn from my exploration. Viewing from the historical perspective of thoughts, at first, the legend of Ancient Dynasty's Succession before Yao-Shun Era in the Rongchengshi had some interactions directly and closely with Zhangzi莊子, Muzi墨子, Guanzi管子, Xunzi荀子 and Tangyu zhi dao. Also in doing search for the unification in a transitional epoch from the late to the end of the Warring States period, the political stand of Shi士 and Ke客 was reflected in it as well as in the Tangyu zhi dao because they actively wanted to suggest the most appropriate model of the Emperor or the idealistic succession process and political realms.

• Radiation Oncology Journal
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• v.13 no.2
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• pp.181-189
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• 1995

Pupose: Radiation therapy(RT) is conventionally standard treatment for locally advanced stage for uterine cervix cancer. Recently to improve treatment results, combined chemotherapy and radiation therapy was tried We retrospectively analysed our experience of 122 patients. Comparision of the results in 45 patients treated with RT alone and 77 patients treated with RT plus chemotherapy was made Materials and Mathods: From January 1985 to December 1991 122 patients with cervix cancer were treated with whole pelvic external RT and ICR(34 1 ICR, 77 2 ICR, 11 high dose rate ICR) in our department. Forty five patients were treated with RT alone, and 77 patients were treated with combined RT plus chemotherapy Mean age was 58 years(range:29-81). Histologic types were 111 squamous cell carcinoma, 5 large cell carcinoma, 3 adenocarcinoma, and 2 adenosquamous cell carcinoma. According to the FIGO stage 6 had stage $IA(4.9\%),$ 11 had $IIA(9.0\%),$ 37 had $IIB(30.3\%),$ 3 had $IIIA(2.5\%),$ 63 had $IIIB(51.6\%).$ and 2 had stage $IV(1.6\%).$ In 77 patients with RT Plus chemotherapy, 36 patients were treated with VBP(vinblastin, bleomycin, cisplatinum) , 39 patients with cisplatinum plus 5-FU and 2 patients with 5-FU. Results: Complete response after external RT (3960cGy-5500cGy) was achieved in 61 patients$(50\%).$ The actuarial 5 year and 9 rear survival rate was $57.8\%\;and\;53.9\%,$ respectively. Five rear actuarial survival rate was $63.1\%$with RT alone(n=45) and $55.9\%$ with RT plus chemotherapy(n=77). The 5 rear survival rate was $35.5\%$ for 1 course of ICR and $67\%$ for 2 courses of ICR. There was statistically significant advantage of survival with RT alone group who were treated with 2 courses of ICR and dose to the A Point)=8000cGy (4/25 died). In RT plus chemotherapy group, dose response was not seen and there was no difference in 5 year survival between 1 course and 2 course of ICR $(50\%\;vs\;56.8\%),$ and dose to point A less than 8000 cGy and more than 8000 $cGy(55.6\%\;vs\;55.7\%).$ There was no significant difference in survival between RT alone and RT plus chemotherapy for patients with tumor size greater than 3cm in size. Five year survival rate for early stage (Stage IB and IIA) with RT alone group and with RT Plus chemotherapy group was $60\%\;and\;77.0\%,$ respectively In advanced stage (stage IIB, IIIA, IIIB, IVA) the 5 year actuarial survival rate were $62.6\%,$ for RT alone group vs $53.6\%$ for RT plus chemotherapy group. Conclusion: Present study demonstrates that there is no survival advantage with adding chemotherapy in advanced stage of uterine cervix cancer. RT alone is considered as treatment of choice for patients with locally advanced cervix cancer. There was increased survival in RT alone group treated with RT dose above 8000 cGy to point A and 2 course of ICR. but 2 course of ICR and RT dose above 8000 cGy to point A did not affect survival advantage in RT plus chemotherapy group.

• Radiation Oncology Journal
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• v.14 no.2
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• pp.95-103
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• 1996

Purpose : A retrospective analysis for patients with oropharyngeal carcinoma who were treated with radiation was performed to assess the results of treatment and patterns of failure, and to identify the factors that might influence survival. materials and methods : From March 1985 through June 1993, 53 patients with oropharyngeal carcinoma were treated with either radiation therapy alone or combination of neoadjuvant chemotherapy and radiation therapy at the Department of Radiation Oncology, Kyungpook National University Hospital. Patients' ages ranged from 31 to 73 years with a median age of 54 years. There were 47 men and 6 women, Forty-two Patients ($79.2\%$) had squamous cell carcinoma, 10 patients ($18.9\%$) had undifferentiated carcinoma and 1 patient ($19\%$) had adenoid cystic carcinoma. There were 2 patients with stage I, 12 patients with stage II, 12 Patients with stage III and 27 patients with stage IV. According to the TNM classification, patients were distributed as follows: T1 7, T2 28, T3 10, T4 7, TX 1, and N0 17, Nl 13, N2 21, N3 2. The primary tumor sites were tonsillar region in 36 patients ($67.9\%$), base of the tongue in 12 patients ($22.6\%$), and soft palate in 5 patients ($9.4\%$). Twenty-five patients were treated with radiation therapy alone and twenty-eight Patients were treated with one to three courses of chemotherapy followed by radiation therapy. Chemotherapeutic regimens used were either CF (cisplatin and 5-fluorouracil) or CVB (cisplatin, vincristine and bleomycin). Radiation therapy was delivered 180-200 cGy daily, five times a week using 6 MV X-ray with or without 8-10 MeV electron beams A tumor dose ranged from 4500 cGy to 7740 cGy with a median dose of 7100 cGy. The follow-up time ranged from 4 months to 99 months with a median of 21 months. Results : Thirty-seven patients ($69.8\%$) achieved a CR (complete response) and PR (partial response) in 16 patients ($30.2\%$) after radiation therapy. The overall survival rates were $47\%$ at 2 years and $42\%$ at 3 years, respectively. The median survival time was 23 months. Overall stage (p=0.02) and response to radiation therapy (p=0.004) were significant prognostic factors for overall survival. The 2-year disease-free survival rate was $45.5\%$. T-stage (p=0.03), N-stage (p=0.04) and overall stage (P=0.04) were significant prognostic factors for disease-free survival. Age, sex, histology, primary site of the tumor, radiation dose, combination of chemotherapy were not significantly associated with disease-free survival. Among evaluable 32 Patients with CR to radiation therapy, 12 patients were considered to have failed Among these, 8 patients failed locoregionally and 4 Patients failed distantly. Conclusion : T-stage, N-stage and overall stage were significant prognostic factors for disease-free survival in the treatment of oropharyngeal cancer Since locoregional failure was the predominant pattern of relapse, potential methods to improve locoregional control with radiation therapy should be attempted. More controlled clinical, trials should be completed before acceptance of chemotherapy as a part of treatment of oropharyngeal carcinoma.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.34 no.3
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• pp.78-97
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• 2016

The objectives of this study are to examine the context of the establishment of Suhoe Gugok, Byeokgye Gugok Vally, and Nosan Palkyung, which have been established in Seojong-myeon of Yangpyeong-gun, by literature review and site investigations, and to determine the sceneries of Byeokgye scenic site as enjoyed and managed during the period of Hwaseo Lee, Hang-ro(華西 李恒老). The results of the study are as follows. First, Byeokgye Gugok Vally(黃蘗九曲) and Nosan Palkyung(蘆山八景), which have been established after the period of Hwaseo and theorized to have been established around key scenic areas associated with Hwaseo's activities, the analysis results showed that they were collecting sceneries of modern times. The extensive overlap between Byeokgye Gugok Vally and concentrated scenic elements of Suhoe Gugok(水回九曲), and the artificial configuration from the end point of Suhoe Gugok to the beginning point of Nosan Palkyung, reveal the pattern of space conflict and hegemony between Byeokgyes of Suip-ri and Nomun-ri. This is likely to be caused by the conflict between the historicity of the group that enjoyed Byeokgye prior to Hwaso's period and the strong territoriality of the space filled with the image of Hwaseo. Second, Byeokgye Gugok Vally was the secondary spatial system created by selecting the most scenic sites in Suip-ri while expanding the area of Nosan Palkyung. After establishment of Byeokgye Gugok Vally, the spatial identity of the entire Byeokgyecheon area was effectively established. This was a "Hwaseo-oriented" move, including the complete exclusion of the scenic sites from the pre-Hwaseo period such as Cheongseo Gujang and Suhoe Gugok's Letters Carved on the Rock. Consequently, the entire Byeokgyecheon area was reorganized into a cultural scenic site with Heoseo's influence. Third, Fifth, creations of Gugok(九曲) to determine the lineage of the Hwaseo School from Juja(朱子) to Yulgok(栗谷) to Uam(尤庵) to Hwaseo is likely to be an opportunity of birth and external motivation of the establishment of new Gugok Palkyung. In other words, Nosan Palkyung and Byeokgye Gugok Vally are likely to have been created as a reaction to the change of the center of the Hwaseo School to Okgyedong, and with strategic orientation based on the motivation and needs such as creation of the connecting space between Mui Gugok, Gosan Gugok, and Okgye Gugok, and the elevation of Hwaseo's status. Fourth, from the Hwaseo's Li-centric point of view, all revered sites in Beokwon(蘗園) that he managed existed as the spatial creative work to experience the existence of "li" through the objects in the landscape and the boundary of the spirit of emptiness of the aesthetic self. This clearly shows how Byeokgye Gugok Vally or Nosan Palkyung must be defined, and furthermore, appreciated and approached, prior to discussing it as the space associated with Hwaseo. Fifth, Nosan Palkyung was composed of cultural scenic landscapes of Gokjungkyung(曲中景) with eight scenic sites where Hwaseo gave his teachings and spend time around, in the Byeokgye of Nomun-ri area of Byeokgye Gugok Vally. The sceneries is, however, collected by depending on Hwaseo's Letters Carved on the Rock and poetry. Consequently, an inner exuberance of Nosan Palkyung is satisfied beside Byeokgye Gugok Vally, but its conceptual adequacy leaves room for questions.