• Journal of Digital Convergence
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• v.17 no.3
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• pp.433-438
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• 2019

This study analyzes the visual design elements in election posters and the influence they have. Focused on the Mayor of Seoul election in 2018, this research aims to find out the influence of visual elements on the possible cause of vandalisms of election posters. As a research method, the researcher analyzed the role of election posters and investigated examples of election poster vandalisms in Korea. In addition, the researcher conducted eight in-depth interviews about the positive and negative opinions about the visual elements of a specific candidate's election poster from the Mayor of Seoul election. As a result, there are two findings. First, the visual design elements did not influence the provocation of vandalism. Second, the content of the political slogan had the most negative influence. This study is significant because it examines the influence of visual design elements on the election campaign posters. This study is hoped to help future research and to contribute to the development of more influential delivery of visual political messages.

• Informatization Policy
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• v.28 no.4
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• pp.19-35
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• 2021

The purpose of this research is to investigate the attributes of the online world and to analyze their influence on democracy. The research focuses on the mayoral by-elections that were held in Seoul and Busan, South Korea, on April 4, 2021. The study demonstrates the characteristics of online spaces and the polarization of the online public through news articles and user comments from the Internet. The research includes topic modeling to measure the diversity of media reports, sentiment analysis to measure online public opinion, and interrupted time series analysis to understand how a particular event influences online attitudes. A combination of these methods is used to attempt to estimate the strength of political polarity in the online environment. The study shows diverse media reports by election region and candidate, where the online public repeatedly reveals high negative and low positive attitudes towards each candidate. Moreover, political polarity can differ based on the level of interest in an election. Although voters pay less attention to a by-election than a presidential election, there is a solid political polarity in the online world. Hence, the research recommends preparing measures to alleviate the polarization as politics requires significant online participation.

• Informatization Policy
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• v.20 no.2
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• pp.3-19
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• 2013

Studies on the SNS political participation have covered issues of SNS effect on political participation, electoral campaigns, and the public sphere. Such issues as characteristics of SNS political participation, the characteristics of SNS users, SNS effect on the political participation, active SNS political participants, and the impact on young people's political participation, etc. have been studied in the area of political participation effect. On the election issues, SNS impact on election turnout, voting behavior, and the election results were main research topics. Finally, the research on the public sphere mainly discussed topics of quality of SNS information and social fragmentation phenomenon. What is commonly observed across all the three subjects is that the conflicting claims appear to almost all the topics. These contradictory findings are likely to occur because variables of real politics are not fully taken into account and research variables are not strictly manipulated. We can get more accurate research results in the study of SNS political participation when we conduct cross-national research reflecting the context of real politics and also designing independent variables more in detail and elaborately.

• Analyses & Alternatives
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• v.7 no.1
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• pp.7-43
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• 2023

This study examines and identified a series of strategies of Russia's political elites to maintain and strengthen their dominance by reviewing the case of revisions in the election laws of Russia in 2014. At that time, a mixed-member electoral system was newly introduced, and on the surface, it seemed that the new system was a step toward meeting the demands of the people for "enhanced democracy". However, in 2016 and 2021, the ruling party of Russia won the general elections by making the most of the factors that could distort the election results inherent in the mixed-member electoral system. Therefore, this study aimed to analyze whether the revision of election laws was a mere vehicle used by the ruling party, United Russia, to maintain its political power, or whether it was a leap forward to achieve democracy. The study result indicate that the revision of election laws in 2014 was part of the policy responses to the internal conflicts in the circle of Russia's political elites, which had been rising since 2008, as well as to the public resistance. In other words, it was confirmed that the revision of election laws was one of the measures taken to "minimize competition" and "reproduce political power on a stable basis".

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.28 no.1
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• pp.121-144
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• 2018

The year 2016 in Cambodia witnessed the collapse of Cambodian democracy. Promising results in terms of fairness the communal elections achieved were eclipsed by the dissolution of the Cambodia National Rescue Party. With press and civil society also being silenced, the ruling Cambodian People's Party expects no more challenge to its authoritarian rule. The economy continued it growth in 2017. However, serious problems embedded in its structure threaten the likelihood of sustainable development. Cambodia with solid China backing began to amp up its voice on the international stage, heading to a head-on collision with big donators including the United States.

• Journal of the Korean Data Analysis Society
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• v.20 no.6
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• pp.2873-2881
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• 2018

It is very important to obtain objective and credible information through election polls in order to contribute to the correct voting behavior of the voters or to establish appropriate election strategies for candidates or political parties. Therefore, many related organizations such as political parties, media organizations, and research institutions have been making efforts to improve the accuracy of the results of the polls and the election prediction. Kim et al. (2017) analyzed whether the non-response group responded that there is no support candidate in the election survey to increase the accuracy of the estimation of the vote rate. As a result, it has been confirmed that the accuracy of the estimation of the vote rate can be significantly improved by performing an appropriate classification on the non-response layer. In this study, we propose a method to estimate the turnout by each strata (sex, age group) under the condition that the total turnout rate is given for a specific district (region) and propose a procedure to predict the vote rate by reflecting the turnout. In addition, case studies were conducted using data gathered through telephone interviews for the 20th National Assembly elections in 2016.

• Proceedings of the Korea Contents Association Conference
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• 2013.05a
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• pp.111-112
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• 2013

19대 총선에서 특정 후보를 홍보하기 위한 목적으로 개인 맞춤형 위치기반소셜네트워크서비스(LBSNS, Location Based Social Network Service) 앱(App)을 기획하여 개발하고 선거기간 동안 활용함으로써 선거 전후 해당 후보의 지지율 변화에 어느 정도 기여했는지 그 영향을 분석하였다. 대전광역시 6개 지역구 24명의 후보를 대상으로 개인 맞춤형 LBSNS 앱을 활용한 후보와 그렇지 않은 후보를 구분하여 선거운동 기간 동안 언론에 공개적으로 발표된 지지율과 개표 결과를 바탕으로 개인별 지지율 변화를 비교하였다. 해당 앱을 활용한 3명의 후보는 각각 12.6%, 11.4% 및 11.2%씩 두 자리 수의 지지율 상승이 있었지만 나머지 21명의 후보들은 지지율 변화는 모두 3% 이내로 머물러 개인맞춤형 스마트폰 앱을 활용함으로써 후보 지지율 상승에 상당한 효과가 있었음이 밝혀졌다.

• Journal of the Korean BIBLIA Society for library and Information Science
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• v.24 no.4
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• pp.153-180
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• 2013

This study explored election promises on library fields by the candidates for the mayor, the educational superintendent and the chiefs of districts of Daegu Metropolitan City and implementation of their election promises by the elected heads of Daegu Metropolitan City in the 5th local election of Korea. To do this, election promises of 36 candidates were analyzed by investigating the official gazettes for elections deposited in National Election Commission of Korea. Also, the implementation of their promises of 11 elected heads was analyzed by searching through the official websites, news databases and internet. As a result, election promises and implementation by the candidates for the mayor and the educational superintendent were mostly insufficient both in quality and in quantity. 54% of all candidates for the chiefs of districts presented election promises that were mostly related with construction of public libraries and installation of small libraries. Some elected chiefs actively implemented their promises, while the other elected chiefs did not fulfill their promises.

• The Korean Journal of Applied Statistics
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• v.25 no.1
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• pp.153-162
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• 2012

We proposed a mixed-mode design with a landline survey and mobile survey as the solution for the problems of election opinion polls by the original telephone survey method, mostly with limited population coverage for young people not living at home and with lower efficiency in selecting valid voters. We numerically verified the applicability of the proposed dual frame survey by analyzing the preliminary opinion poll results of the Seoul mayor by-election of October 26 2011. This research achieved the result that relative standard errors were similar between a mobile RDD sample and landline RDD sample though the variance was bigger in the former. Though the combination of mobile RDD and landline RDD is not found to improve the forecast accuracy, it still is expected to have higher reliability for election polls by expanding the population coverage and compensating the weakness of each survey method.

• Journal of the Korean Data and Information Science Society
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• v.25 no.1
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• pp.53-64
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• 2014

One of the major problems to forecast election, especially based on survey, is nonresponse. We may have different forecasting results depend on method of imputation. Handling nonresponse is more important in a survey about sensitive subject, such as presidential election. In this research, we consider a model based method of nonresponse imputation. A model based imputation method should be constructed based on assumption of nonresponse mechanism and may produce different results according to the nonresponse mechanism. An assumption of the nonresponse mechanism is very important precondition to forecast the accurate results. However, there is no exact way to verify assumption of the nonresponse mechanism. In this paper, we compared the accuracy of prediction and assumption of nonresponse mechanism based on the result of presidential election exit poll. We consider maximum likelihood estimation method based on EM algorithm to handle assumption of the model of nonresponse. We also consider modified within precinct error which Bautista (2007) proposed to compare the predict result.