Journal of the Korean Society of Clothing and Textiles
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v.27
no.11
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pp.1330-1337
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2003
According to the way of expression and the ritual procedure, there is a difference in the costume between Jinoggigut in Seoul and Sitggimgut, hereditary dance in the southern part of Joella province. Even though they share the same story, which is to soothe the spirit of the deceased and to listen to the grudge of the remained, the two shaman rituals are slightly different in their costumes. And the characteristics of the costume in Seoul Jinoggigut, and Jindo Sitggimgut are as follows; First, both in Seoul Jinoggigut, a spiritual dance and Jindo Sitggimgut, a hereditary dance, the universal roles of shaman costume, which are generally shown in "gut", are found-build a sacred environment, prepare for the experience of the spiritual world, listen to the grudge of the deceased and wish for God's bless. Second, the shaman costume has a special role to express specific and complex symbols-representing God on one hand, symbolizing the dead on the other. Third, unique symbols are found in the costume of Mangjachoendogut with the formality of the ritual procedure.
This article is concerned with the withdrawal of the compositional principle of Jinogigut which has been performed in Seoul and the identification of its meaning based on the withdrawal. Jinogigut is a world where a god is connected to humans in complicated manners, this world and the world of the dead coexist, and it is a process of demonstrating that the dead, who have stayed in the world of humans, enter the world of a god. Jinogigut shows the process of leading the dead to the world of the dead one after another. First, the god-centered street is continued, and the gut displays through which process a god will guide the dead to the world of the dead. Next, is a human-centered street, which exhibits the appearance of the dead heading to the world of the dead following the death angel, more in detail. Finally, a human-centered structure shows how humans enter the world of the dead. Through this repetition, it reveals that the dead take a seat in the world of the dead, at last. The organization of the later part of the world of the dead-oriented gut in Jinogigut, which is god-centered, continues to a human-centered gut through the meeting between a god and humans. and , which are continued, followed by , are ceremonial rituals that confirm the dead entering the world of the dead without any problem. Begareugi shows that the entering of the dead into the world of the dead was completed with perfection by cutting hemp cloth, and informs the living that the dead expressed gratitude for holding the ritual for him/her by appearing at the venue of the gut once again and that the dead settled into the world of death. , which finally holds ancestral rites to the god of ancestors who is seated in the world of the dead, reveals that the dead, who had been a human, has been transformed into the god of ancestors through Jinogigut. Jinogigut also performs the function of comforting a client (who is the family of the dead) of the gut, who has faced a sudden death in his/her family. What is the most important for consoling the client is to display that the dead has entered the world of the dead without any problem. Jinogigut shows this process through a three-layered structure. It exhibits how the dead would be moved to the world of gods, as well as the safe entering of the dead who followed Jeoseung-saja(envoy from the world of the dead) and who had appeared to this world from the world of the dead. Then, it demonstrates again the appearance of the dead entering the world of the dead following Barigongu; thus, it placates the heart of the client's family.
This article is to present that the research on the Mudang Gut Chum should be within the context of the performance of Mudang Gut and examines its meanings and implications with focus on Seoul Mudang Gut Chum and Hwanghae-do Mudang Gut Chum. Seoul and Hwanghae-do Mudang Gut Chums do not exist in the form of simple dance or movement. They feature continuity while serving the function of revealing the existence of spirit and sometimes show the process of the spirit joining the Gut ritual, which means that the Mudang Gut Chum should not be understood as the dance itself only. Instead, care attention should be paid to the status of the tune of Gut where the dance is placed, relationship between the gut and the spirit, and the flow of narrativity. Also, the Mudang Gut Chum has a lot to do with the tune. Looking at the Mudang Gut Chum simply focusing on dancing steps, and the movement of feet and/or hands fails to gain an accurate understanding of the fundamentals of the Mudang Gut Chum. Closely connected to the tune, which is also associated with the grade of the spirit, the dance shows a variety of performances conducted by entering the Gut ritual of the spirit. In that respect, complex views on the Mudang Gut Chum are required. The same applies to the hereditary shaman Mudang Gut as well. The Korean Mudang Gut Chum has a slight difference between the Gangshinmu gut and the hereditary gut but is in basically the same aspect. The Gut Chum holds its meaning in the flow of gutgeori (tune or dance performed during exorcism, a shaman song) and delivers its own meaning in connection with the tune. It is definitely meaningful to focus on the individual movements of a dancing shaman but one should be able to derive the network of meanings that such movements have within the performance of the gutgeori, which means that intensive studies on the field performance and circumstances should be completed before studying the Mudang Gut Chum. In addition, the Mudang Gut Chum discloses the characteristics of the performance group. The Mudang Gut Chum exists in a complex manner. With respects to the status of the spirit, it shows the characteristics of the performance group. It represents the progress of Gut while closely connected with the tune. Therefore, the way of describing the Mudang Gut Chum should be far more than just simply keeping the dance notations. With this in mind, one should investigate and record the Mudang Gut Chum.
This article was started to find a way for creating a performance out of Gut. In order to find such way, the first thing that had to be done was to organize the Gut performances that had been made until now. It was to organize the existing study on the performances and to seek a different way from it, believing that the virtue of a performance is to 'create diversity'. However, it was not easy to organize the Gut performances, which became full-scale in the 1980s, because they were never organized before. Therefore, based on my direct and indirect experience, I have organized the most important performances in chronological order. Most importantly, as the planners of the performances (can sometimes be a group or an organization instead of an individual) are the ones who make the show possible, I have noted on them with keen interest. The National Folk Art Performance Contests in Korea, Theater 'Space Sarang', The Association of Gut, Theater 'Madangsesil', Seoul Nori Madang, and National Gugak center were the center space and planning body of the Gut performances. Recording the history of Gut is a worthwhile work of its own. However, it is a substantial amount of task to be done with individual effort, and it has to be progressed as a public project in order to promote and spread its value. Therefore, this article raises the need for it. Meanwhile, as stated earlier, this article has recorded the history of Gut performances as a precondition to finding a way to create a performance out of Gut. From the experimental organization of the Gut performances history, I could find out that most of the performances had the people who did Gut as the main body and the method of the Gut performance did not significantly deviate from just reenacting the original Gut at the time of when it was performed. Therefore, I have introduced Shinmyeong, the Nori-Pae (troupe), and TheGwangdae, the Korean Traditional Performance troupe, who create Madangguk from various Gut materials. By refining the wholly complicated performance elements of the Gut, it could escape from the 'reenacting' performance to becoming a material or a metaphor for a whole new performance.
The purpose of this study was to analyze the form and meaning of shaman's costumes worn by each gutgeori in Seoul jaesugut and to derive the characteristics of Shaman's costume at gutgeori. Observational research was conducted for three years by participating in the site of two types of gut, which are divided into local jaesugut for the well-being of the region and individual jaesugut that takes place based on personal request. Seoul jaesugut consists of 12 different gutgeori according to the deity it serves and meaning: Bujeongcheongbae, Gamangcheongbae, Bulsageori, Sangeori, Josanggeori, Sangsangeori, Byulsanggeori, Sinjanggeori, Daegamgeori, Seongjugeori, Changbugeori, and Duitjeon. The shape and colour of the shaman's costume worn in each gutgeori are related to the meaning of the gutgeori. Followings are the characteristics of the shaman's costume from gutgeori. First, shaman's costume adopted traditional costumes that symbolized the characteristics of god represented in each gutgeori. Second, gutgeori consists of multiple gods, and shaman's costumes were adopt to represent the superior god among these gods. Third, sometimes the costumes were adopted according to the characteristic of the god instead of its divinity. Fourth, even if the gods were different, if the roles of the gods were the same, the same form of shaman's costume could be taken. Fifth, the process of gut showed the harmony of yin and yang using the principle of five elements through the colour of shaman's costume.
In Seoul city, The maul-gut(마을굿) called bugundang-gut(부군당굿) have been transmitted by people lived on the banks of han-river. The purpose of this document is to make a study the present meaning of bugundang-gut that have been transmitted in metropolitan city. The bugundang-gut was the official ritual in a government office during the Chosun dynasty. However, the bugundang-gut had been spread along kyunggang(경강, Han-river in Seoul) in the late Chosun period. At that times, the population kyunggang area was increased with the inflow of outside population and the commercial destrict was extended to many district along kyunggang. The main points of this study are as follows. Firstly, I investigate that bugundang-gut have been transmitted by a Seoulite to the backbone. They are the main body of bugundang-gut transmitting from generation to generation. Secondly, I study about nami-janggun-sadangje(남이장군사당제) appointed to seoul city immaterial cutural properties. It is a kind of bugundang-gut. So namijanggun-sadangje was appointed to seoul city immaterial cutural properties, as it was supported by a local autonomous entity. Thirdly, I investigate a plan that can be handed down an offspring in seoul city. We must revise the cultural properties system like that of Japan. Even though many bugundang-gut isn't appointed to cutural propertie except nami-janggun-sadangje, we must recognize their importance and keep a record character of bugundang-gut by investigation in detail. Fourthly, I think that bugundang-gut must be developed a regional public holiday. If it is developed a regional public holiday, many young person can be take part in bugundang-gut.
This study investigated and analyzed Sadanggut for General Namyi, Agisee Gutdang in Haengdang-dong, Dodanggut in Bonghwa Mountainto examine the type and characteristics of official hats for shaman's costumes based on Seoul village gutas a spiritualistic shaman revealing the divinity of music for gutthrough singing, dancing, divine material and official hats. Commonly worn official hats were Goggal(conical hats), Jeonlip(soldier's felt hats), and Heuklip(black hats) for Seoul village gut as the object of thisstudy. Each official hat had a close relationship with subjects for divinity and musical meaning for gut. Julip(Red hats), Jokduri(bride's headpiece), helmets, Iksubgwan(King's official hat), and Daesu(Queen's a big wig with various hairpins) were also worn. Official hats worn for Seoul village gutwere understood to symbolize divinity and raise authority and dignity to the public through aggressive appearance, exaggeration and splendor. Concretely, official hats at Seoul village gut first had roles to materialize the divinity of each music of gut. Second, recognized as a part of performance or traditional culture in present day, aggressive official hats were favored to supply splendid attraction and maximize scenes of divined heroic epic poem in gut. Third, for Seoul village gut, colors and silhouettes of modern traditional costumes were reflected pursuing partial change and focused on exaggeration and splendor to express the mirth and festival of gutwhile maintaining traditional costumes.
The purpose of study is to survey the system of the Korean Gangsin-mu shaman costume and its formative character and to fine out the traditional follow patterns of government officials' attires and Po's meaning of it. The overall shape of variety 'Po's in modern times are similar to the traditional ones, but they differ greatly in size, detail color, and ornamental design. The sleeves have slits in the armholes, which can allow the hands to be drawn out easily. In addition, the knot buttons are used in the modern costumes. They are based on different formation skills from those of the traditional The original color of the shaman's costume is not their taste in color but symbolic, modern costumes color show the shaman's taste in color. This change mean a more accentuated visual effect than incantatory meaning. Another reason for color change is also the costume's material. A kind of constituent element uses synthetic fiber in modern times.
Seoul's community beliefs originated from the ritual performed by the shrines affiliated to each government office in the Joseon Dynasty. Lower branches of government officials were assigned to perform these rituals. Generally, these shrines were called Bugundang(府君堂). Records show that Bugundang(府君堂) was generally one to three units and enshrined the portrait of Bugun(府君), the worshipped, inside. According to historical records, the worshipped were mostly General Choi Young(崔瑩將軍) or Madame Song(宋氏夫人). In fact, however, each Bugundang(府君堂) worshipped different persons. Some of the worshipped were historical characters from the Goryeo Dynasty or the founding period of Joseon Dynasty, Guan Yu(關羽) and Zhuge Liang(諸葛孔明) that became gods after the Japanese Invasion of 1952, Wanggun(王建), Dangun(檀君), General Nam Yi(南怡將軍), Kim Yoo Shin(金庾信), Lim Gyeong Up (林慶業), King Gongmin(恭愍王), King Taejo(Lee Sung Gye, 太祖 李成桂), Joban(趙?) who is one of the supporters of the foundation of Joseon Dynasty, Sir Hong(洪氏大監) and his women who appear in the legend of Nanhansanseong(南漢山城) area, and many other historical figures. It is difficult to compare the rituals of these shrines from community Gut(Shaman ritual) performances of Seoul. According to historical records, Gut and ceremony coexisted in rituals. As time passed, these rituals spread as the community Beliefs of commoners and have been transmitted in the context of Seoul's cultural change. This study examined the existence of affiliated shrines of local government offices in the Joseon Dynasty and discussed the cases of Jangchung-dong Gwanseong Shrine(將忠洞 關聖廟), Bangsan-dong Seongje Shrine(方山洞 聖帝廟), and Seobinggo Bugundang(西氷庫 府君堂) to trace the succession of rituals at these shrines as folk customs of commoners. Bangsan-dong Seongje Shrine(方山洞 聖帝廟) spread to the public as Gwanwoo(關羽), who was considered the god of soldiers, transformed into the god of merchants along with historical transition. It clearly shows the process as to how merchants from a certain region developed a community religion. Jangchung-dong Gwanseong Shrine(將忠洞 關聖廟) is Bugundang(府君堂) of the soldiers of Nampyoug(南營). As the ritual was succeeded by a ritual group called Yeoungsinsa(永信社), composed of nearby residents, it was naturally spread and succeeded by the residents in local community. Seobinggo Bugundang(西氷庫 府君堂) was related to the changes in the historical background of ice gathering in the late Joseon Dynasty.
The purpose of this study is to survey the system of the Korean Shaman's costume and its formative character and to find out the symbolic meaning of it. This study focuses on a shaman's costume in Seoul-Gut Seoul-Gut belongs to 'Gangsin-mu' Therefore a shaman's costumes in Seoul-Gut remains even today. Korean shamanistic ritual is gut. Its basic structure generally consists of 12 'Geori(a process is made up Gut)' In Gangsin-mu a shaman changes his/her spirit's costumes in each Geori so that a shaman's costumes means the spirit. The shaman's costumes of 12-Geori in Seoul-Gut has only 5 or 6 kinds be-cause shamans wear the same costume when the spirit's characters are similar with each other. Therefore shaman's costumes in Seoul-Gut are consistsof Poungsangbok pulsajang-sam cjulik Kugunbok Monduri and Wonsam There are some differences between modern shaman's costumes in Seoul-Gut and traditional costume in the basic pattern and the wearing method,. Modern shaman's costumes in Seoul-Gut has become simpler in the basic pattern and more gergeous in the color or adornment and more various in the kinds of shaman's costume than that of Yi Dynasty. This tendency in modern shaman's costumes reflects modernized folk's viewpoint in dress. which thinks highly of their individuality and function and variety in it. Korean shaman's costumes means the extintion of the earthly world and symbolizes the holy symbolizes the holy symbolizes the spirits character, Ying Yang Theory and represents shaman's wishes. The wishes are the desire of prefection and stability in this world the desire of ideal love and rebirth and the desire of lofty life in this world.
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