• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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• v.38 no.3
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• pp.115-125
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• 2010

A theme park is not just a recreational space for leisure activities, but also a place of storytelling as collected around abstract boundaries called themes. These stories are 'a space that tells the meaning' that the visitor is looking for and the Robot Land space offers robots, humans, and nature. This study is a description of the design strategy and content of the work which was elected as a subject of the subsequent rank negotiation of the Masan Robot Land design contest for the selection of a private contractor. The focus of the plan is, first, the organizational power of each space and the delivery power of a theme for the history of revisits, which might be considered depending on whether or not the theme park has been successful in the visitor's mind. Second, it is to actively use the potential of Masan, which is not only the key hub of the mechanical industry but also has beautiful coastal resources. First, they created a space that can flexibly react depending on the user's desire and the change of form, minimizing environmental damage by using a linear metabolism that can provide an amalgam of the elemental characteristics of robots, humans, and nature as motifs. They introduced a planting plan for the admissions square, an existing forest, slope, vacation spot, the inside of a complex, and Eco Island, etc. by utilizing symbolic meaning and adjusting to the spatial characteristics of each space. In addition, they sought a detailed space by setting up zones tailored to the use and character of the subject area, having exhibitions and education about robots, vacation facilities for lodgers, various recreational and commercial facilities, and space for utopian gardens as themes. They planned Masan Robot Land to be a true cultural space that creates mental richness on the basis of not only the economical effects but also local emotion.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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• v.43 no.4
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• pp.124-139
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• 2015

Unlike other mountains in Korea, Seoul Namsan(南山), which is one of the landmarks that represent the country's capital city, is perceived as a city park. This article aims to study the process that Namsan became a park and the transformation of its place in Korean Emperor and Japanese colonial period. The serial changes in Namsan, in early modern era, mean that is associated with the colonial urbanization and the rule of space by Japan. The stages of Waeseongdae Park(倭城臺公園), Gyeongseong Park(京城公園) and Hanyang Park(漢陽公園) under the leadership of Japan, due to the extension of Japan's power, Namsan has became the park. Here, the park has become a strategic tool of other's occupying Hanseongbu(漢城府), a capital city. The process that Namsan became a park dose not mean making the space for recreation and rest, but is an excuse for using the land. Since then, Namsan's parks barely fulfilled its original function as park as it was transformed into a shrine, Gyeongseong Jinjya(京城神社), for Japanese warriors or was incurred upon by Joseon Singung(朝鮮神宮), which was established as a facility to govern Korea, sometimes is gradually and sometimes is mercilessly. The fact, transplantation of Japanese culture and replacement as ruler space, is another aspect of occupying and govern place. In other words, while the process that Namsan became a park is the way of establishing Japanese force, the transformation of its place show a colonial rule as an aspect of space. Meanwhile, in spite of transformation to shrine, Namsan became accepted as a park for a long time, because of the forest of Namsan. Japan managed forest as a sacred place. It is also a result of the Japanese rule of space.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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• v.47 no.2
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• pp.117-132
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• 2019

The study examines the significance and limits of modern park planning by analyzing major planning documents of Gyeongseong in the Japanese colonial era. Among seven selected documents from 1925 to 1940, which show the contents related with park planning, documents of 1930 and 1940 presented the official park plan of Gyeongseong. By the 1920s, the park plan was not a major concern in urban planning of Gyeongseong; however, as the planning law as enacted in 1934, the park plan legally became a part of the official master planning process in the 1930s. In 1940, the most comprehensive park plan for Gyeongseong was published. In the beginning of modern urban planning, a park was mainly perceived as a sanitation utility. From the 1920s to the 1930s, the park planning system was significantly improved including systemic classification of parks, guideline development considering spatial planning, and introduction of a concept of infra-structural green space. Despite of the improvement in the park planning, the actual quantity of the overall green spaces barely changed and there was a huge discrepancy between the planning ideal and the reality. The Gyeongseong stadium was the only facility newly built in the 1920s, and only two parks were constructed in the 1930s. The plan to build 38 new parks in the 1930, and 140 in the 1940 was barely realized. However, there were efforts to improve parks and green spaces of Gyeongseong: Such as appropriating natural forest as parks, designating royal palaces as parks, and focusing on constructing smaller scale children's parks. Even though the ideal plan could not be fully implemented due to the war time situation and tight budget, the park system of Gyeongseong provided the framework of park planning of Seoul after the independence.