• Korean Journal of Labor Studies
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• v.23 no.1
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• pp.1-45
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• 2017

The aim of this study is to analyze the process of the struggle and bargaining for the change of the employment position of the irregular (in-house subcontracted) workers being at work in the Hyundai Motor Company (HMC) plants into the status of the regular employee of the company, and evaluate the results and limitation of the irregular workers' movement. Since the unionization of irregular workers in 2003, they have carried on the struggle against and the bargaining with the HMC, over the past 10 years and more, making claims for abolishing 'illegal temporary agency work' and for converting their positions into the regular ones. The HMC have gradually altered a confrontational stance against the workers' claim at the early stage, into the bargaining relationship with irregular workers' union. Eventually, the collective agreement on the 'special hiring' of about six thousands irregular workers by the HMC was reached in 2016. We attempt to analyze in depth the overall process by dividing three phases of the movement, according to the criteria of the relationship between the alliance and conflict system, and the cycle of protests of irregular workers. Furthermore, we try to trace the long and winding path of the movement, focusing on the cooperation/conflict relationship within the movement's alliance system, the confrontation/bargaining relationship between the movement and the conflict system, and the critical roles played by mediators (or third parties) between two systems. In the conclusion of the paper, we evaluate the results and limitation of the irregular workers' movement upon the basis of the following points; the convergence of the workers' demands into the prime goal of 'becoming HMC's regular employee,' the breakaway of regular workers' union from the movement's alliance system, and a virtual extinction of irregular workers' union after the final labor-management agreement of 2016.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.74
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• pp.177-196
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• 2015

This paper aims to plan a new research program on the parallel relationship between Korean press and political power, by providing concepts on the mode of existence of professional journalists in Korea. In the midst of the economic crisis of Korean journalism, relative deteriorisation in the political democracy and the liberty of press, and changes in news ecosystem due to the revolution of digital news, the status of professional journalists is at stake. In these circumstances, this paper argues that many existing researches on journalistic professionalism need to be reconstructed in the perspective of professional project. It enables, first of all, an evaluation on actual issues of professional journalists from the actor perspective, i.e. economic interests, social closure, regulative bargain with the authority. Secondly, concerning decoupling phenomenon of journalism and democracy which became salient in the contemporary society, this study raises a necessity to create new logical relations around concepts of journalist professionalism. And we will find, in this situation, a beginning of new evaluation on the mode of existence of professional journalists, that has been possibly developped within the old, assymetric relationship between State-press. And finally, this study proposes to consider a category of professional journalists as a vehicle that helps to conceptualize the old, parallel relationship between Korean press and political power.

• The Journal of Korean Association of Computer Education
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• v.5 no.3
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• pp.89-106
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• 2002

One of the key success factors for Computer Supported Collaborative Learning(CSCL) environments relies on collaborative reflection. Reflection refers to the active, intellectual thinking for monitoring one's own learning process and continuous internal activities of exploring oneself for new learning experiences. Also, reflective activities are closely related not only with the individual aspect of internal exploration but also with the social aspect of learner-learner interaction. This paper suggests four essential macro-level design strategies such as (1)facilitating collaborative awareness, (2)making thinking visualization, (3)negotiation-mediated knowledge construction, (4)providing metacognitive awareness cues or Questions for scaffolding collaborative reflection in the CSCL environments and made some implications for key functional features for the design and development of system components for CSCL.

• The Korean Journal of Air & Space Law and Policy
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• v.4
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• pp.167-176
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• 1992

1957년에 서명된 로마조약(條約)을 처음 개정한 단일(單一)유럽법(法)이 1987년 7월 1일에 발효(發效)되었을 때 유럽공동체(共同體) 12개 회원국(會員國)들은 공동정책(共同政策)에 의거 상업(商業), 농업(農業), 운송(運送), 금융(金融) 및 기타 관련부분에 있어 단일역내시장(單一域內市場)을 형성하기로 약속했다. 물론 완전한 역내공동시장(域內共同市場)은 자유로운 운송시장(運送市場)을 전제로 한다. 따라서 EC조약(條約)은 모든 회원국(會員國)들이 서어비스의 자유에 근거하여 공동운송정책(共同運送政策)을 따를 것을 강제하고 있다. 항공운송(航空運送)에 있어서의 목표도 역시 다른 모든 경제활동의 목표와 마찬가지로 로마조약(條約)이 적용되는 공동운송정책(共同運送政策)의 일부를 구성하고 있다. 종합적인 공동체항공정책(共同體航空政策)의 작업에는 운임(運賃), 공급량(供給量), 시장진출(市場進出) 및 경쟁상(競爭上)의 일괄적인 자유화 조치 이상의 것을 내포하고 있다. 그것은 국가장벽으로 방해되지 않는 공동체(共同體)의 항공운송망(航空運送網)의 개발과 확장뿐만 아니라 경제(經濟), 안전(安全), 환경(環境) 및 사회적(社會的) 요인(要因)들 간에 합리적인 균형을 이루는 공동체항공운송정책(共同體航空運送政策)의 개발을 위한 공동항공운송정책(共同航空運送政策)의 공식화(公式化)를 요한다. 1987년의 항공(航空)에 관한 일괄입법조치, 1989년의 제 2 차 항공(航空)에 관한 일괄입법조치 및 1992년 이후로 예정된 제 3 차 일괄입법조치에 따라 EC는 초국가적(超國家的)인 항공운송(航空運送) 분야에 있어서의 개방적인 국제경쟁(國際競爭)을 본격적으로 추구하고 있다. 결국 이러한 일괄규칙은 EC와 제(第) 3 국(國)들간의 관계에 중대한 의미를 가지게 될 것이다. EC항공운송정책(航空運送政策)이 아시아 항공산업(航空産業)의 상업운선(商業運船)에 어떠한 영향을 미칠 것인가는 모든 아시아 국가들이 알아야 할 중요한 문제이다. 이론적으로 말해서, 역내공동체(域內共同體) 항공운송(航空運送)의 자유화는 아시아 국가들에 대한 치외법권적(治外法權的) 효과를 일으킬 수 있는 로마조약(條約)과 유럽사법재판소(司法裁判所)에 의해 형성된 원칙들에 필연적으로 영향을 미칠 것이다. 이와 관련하여 아시아 항공산업(航空産業)은 무차별원칙(無差別原則), 설립(設立)의 자유(自由), 서어비스의 자유(自由) 및 EEC 경쟁법(競爭法)과 같은 제(第) 3 국(國)의 국제항공운송에 영향을 미치는 일련의 새로운 원칙과 법률의 출현에 큰 관심을 갖고 있다. 실무적인 관점에서, 1992년 이후의 종합적인 공동체항공운송정책(共同體航空運送政策)의 작업에는 항공운화(航空運貨), 시장진출(市場進出), 제(第)3 및 제(第)4의 운륜자유권(運輪自由權), 복수지정(複數指定), 제(第)5의 자유(自由), 캐보타지(cabotage), 손상(損傷)(derogation), 공급량(供給量), 편수(便數), 불정기운항(不定期運航) 및 기타 부문항공기소음(部門航空機騷音), 최저(最低) 안전(安全) 및 사회적(社會的) 조치(措置), 항공종사자면허(航空從事者免許), 감항증명(堪航證明), 운항시간제도(運航時間制度), 컴퓨터 예약제도(豫約制度), 탑승거절보상의 공동최저기준(共同最低基準), 공중혼잡(空中混雜), 공항이착륙시간할당법(空港離着陸時間割當法), 공항시설(空港施設), 정부지원(政府支援 등). 이와 같은 모든 공동체항공운송정책(共同體航空運送政策)의 주요문제들은 아시아 항공산업(航空産業)에 여러 각도로 영향을 미치게 될 것이다. 위와 같은 문제들 가운데, 제(第) 3국(國) 항공사(航空社)들의 역내공동체(域內共同體) 항로(航路)의 접근, 공급량(供給量), 운임(運賃), 제(第)5의 자유(自由) 및 캐보타지가 아시아 항공산업(航空産業)에 관심이 큰 문제가 되고 있다. 아시아 항공사(航空社)들의 EEC시장(市場)에로의 상업운항(商業運航)이 다소 영향을 받게 될 것이다. 첫째, 복수(複數) 목적지(目的地) 문제이다. 둘째, 항공(航空)서어비스의 운임(運賃) 및 료솔(料率)문제이다. 셋째, 항공운송구역(航空運送區域)에서의 사업에 대한 경쟁원칙의 적용 문제이다. 넷째, 제(第)5 자유(自由) 운륜권(運輪權) 문제이다. 다섯째, 캐보타지(cabotage)문제이다. 끝으로, 유럽 항공사(航空社)들간의 합병(合倂)의 문제이다. 결론적으로 유럽공동체항공운송(共同體航空運送)의 자유화는 1993년까지 공동체(共同體) 역내(域內)와 역외(域外)의 항공운송법제(航空運送法制)의 현재의 모습을 극적으로 바꾸어 놓을 정도로 가속화(加速化)되고 있다. 한편 항공운송(航空運送)의 자유화(自由化)에 대한 EC의 제의는 대담하고 급진적이다. 반면에 그것이 아시아 항공산업(航空産業)에 미칠 영향 또한 중대하다. 의심할 여지없이 항공사(航空社)와 고객들의 이익면에서 EEC와 비(非)EEC국가들의 항공운송산업(航空運送産業)에서 더욱 경제적으로 경쟁적이 되도록 할 필요가 있다. 전세계 항공운송산업(航空運送産業) 운영(運營)의 대부분을 정부가 소유하거나 통제하는 것은 정말로 국제항공운송(國際航空運送)의 발전에 불필요한 장애를 일으킨다. 따라서 國內航空社와 전세계 항공사(航空社)들간의 이해관계의 조화를 협상하는 것이 중요하다. 아마도 아시아 항공사(航空社)들간의 지역적 협조가 미국(美國)뿐만 아니라 유럽으로 부터의 압력 증가에 대해 균형을 이루는 힘이 될 수 있을 것이다.

• Environmental and Resource Economics Review
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• v.13 no.3
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• pp.519-547
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• 2004

This paper analyze problems about scope of specific trade obligations(STOs), principle of dispute settlement procedure, and non-parties in context of the Cartagena Protocol on Biosafety(POB), which based on sub-paragraph 31(i) of DDA WTO Ministrial Declaration. The implications based on result of this study are as follows. First, to accept the wider scope of STOs under POB in Korea, importing country, won't be harmful to LMOs and Bioindustry. Instead, it will ensure a high level of biosafety concerning the import of LMOs. Exporters can take different kinds of trade measures to countervail adverse effect on the export of LMOs in this case. Therefore importer will endure the aftereffect. However, if korea were in exporter's place, to accept the wider scope STOs under POB will not have a good influence on the export of LMOs. Korea, therefore, should devise scheme for responding to debate about the STOs in MEAs, which have to be based on cost-benefit analysis and scenarios taking into account of speed and level in biotechology progress, status and trend of LMOs R&D and production, and condition of other industries. Second, it is not easy to agree with applying to what's rule between the POB and WTO for settlement dispute. Because there is the incompatibility between the POB characterized according to social rationality and WTO's rules for safety and environmental protection characterized according to scientific rationality. This issue have to be discussed for long period due to gap like that. Accordingly Korea, one of major LMOs importing countries, should suggest continuously that the effort is needed to ensure an adequate level of protection in transboundary movements of LMOs and scientific, environmental and socio-economic study. Third, in case of dispute between party and non-party of the POB, the duties under the WTO of non-party of the POB(if WTO member country) is valid. The country, therefore, will try to settle dispute based on WTO's rules. However, international society have to ensure for sound and safe use of LMOs in the field of transboundary movements. Accordingly Korea should devise scheme for preventing the possibility of dispute between party and non-party of the POB(if WTO member country), which is supported by policy options under the POB.

• The Korean Journal of Air & Space Law and Policy
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• v.21 no.1
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• pp.135-167
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• 2006

Air service agreements between EU Member States and third countries concluded by Sweden, Finland, Belgium, Luxembourg, Austria, the Netherlands, Denmark and the United Kingdom after the Second World War infringe EU law. They authorize the third countries to withdraw, suspend or limit the traffic rights of air carriers designated by the signatory States. According to the Court of Justice of the European Communities (CJEC), these agreements infringe EU law in two respects. On the one hand, the presence of nationality clauses infringes the right of European airlines to non-discriminatory market access to routes between all Member States and third countries. On the other hand, only the EU has the authority to sign up to this type of commitment where agreements affect the exercise of EU competence, i.e. involve an area covered by EU legislation. The Court held that since the third countries have the right to refuse a carrier, these agreements therefore constitute an obstacle to the freedom of establishment and freedom to provide services, as the opening of European skies to third countries' companies is not reciprocal for all EU airlines. In the conclusion, in order to reconstruct these public international air law, The new negotiations between EU member states and third countries, especially the US, must be designed to ensure an adequate set of principles, so that Member States, in their bilateral relations with third countries in the area of air service, should consider following three models. The 1st, to develop a new model of public international air law such as a new Bermuda III. The 2nd, to reconstruct new freedoms of the air, for example, the 7th, 8th, and 9th freedoms. The 3rd, to explore new approaching models, such as complex system theory explored in the recent social sciences, to make access world-wide global problems instead of bilateral problems between EU member states and United States. The example will show any lessons to air talks between European Union and ROK.

• The Korean Journal of Air & Space Law and Policy
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• v.30 no.2
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• pp.427-468
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• 2015

To date, we have considered the theoretical views, the standpoint of states and the discourse within the international community such as the UN Committee on the Peaceful Uses of Outer Space(COPUOS) regarding the Air/Outer Space Boundary Question which is one of the first issues of UN COPUOS established in line with marking the starting point of Outer Space Area. As above mentioned, discussions in the United Nations and among scholars of within each state regarding the delimitation issue often saw a division between those in favor of a functional approach (the functionalists) and those seeking the delineation of a boundary (the spatialists). The spatialists emphasize that the boundary between air and outer space should be delimited because the status of outer space is a type of public domain from which sovereign jurisdiction is excluded, as stated in Article 2 of Outer Space Treaty. On the contrary art. I of Chicago Convention is evidence of the acknowledgement of sovereignty over airspace existing as an international customary law, has the binding force of which exists independently of the Convention. The functionalists, backed initially by the major space powers, which viewed any boundary demarcation as possibly restricting their access to space, whether for peaceful or non-military purposes, considered it insufficient or inadequate to delimit a boundary of outer space without obvious scientific and technological evidences. Last more than 50 years there were large development in the exploration and use of outer space. But a large number states including those taking the view of a functionalist have taken on a negative attitude. As the element of location is a decisive factor for the choice of the legal regime to be applied, a purely functional approach to the regulation of activities in the space above the Earth does not offer a solution. It seems therefore to welcome the arrival of clear evidence of a growing recognition of and national practices concerning a spatial approach to the problem is gaining support both by a large number of States as well as by publicists. The search for a solution to the problem of demarcating the two different legal regimes governing the space above Earth has undoubtedly been facilitated and a number of countries including Russia have already advocated the acceptance of the lowest perigee boundary of outer space at a height of 100km. As a matter of fact the lowest perigee where space objects are still able to continue in their orbiting around the earth has already been imposed as a natural criterion for the delimitation of outer space. This delimitation of outer space has also been evidenced by the constant practice of a large number of States and their tacit consent to space activities accomplished so far at this distance and beyond it. Of course there are still numerous opposing views on the delineation of a outer space boundary by space powers like U.S.A., England, France and so on. Therefore, first of all to solve the legal issues faced by the international community in outer space activities like delimitation problem, there needs a positive and peaceful will of international cooperation. From this viewpoint, President John F. Kennedy once described the rationale behind the outer space activities in his famous "Moon speech" given at Rice University in 1962. He called upon Americans and all mankind to strive for peaceful cooperation and coexistence in our future outer space activities. And Kennedy explained, "There is no strife, ${\ldots}$ nor any international conflict in outer space as yet. But its hazards are hostile to us all: Its conquest deserves the best of all mankind, and its opportunity for peaceful cooperation may never come again." This speech seems to even present us in the contemporary era with ample suggestions for further peaceful cooperation in outer space activities including the delimitation of outer space.