• Journal of the Korea Society of Computer and Information
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• v.19 no.5
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• pp.109-117
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• 2014

This study tries to find the policy instruments that have used in the process of social insurance policy implementation. The results can be summarized as follows: First, in case of compulsory policy instrument, the government uses the regulation, public enterprise and government insurance in the process of implementing of all the social insurance policy. Second, in the case of mixed policy instrument, the government use the user' contribution in the process of implementing of all the social insurance policy but the subsidy was used in the process of implementing of the medical, pension, unemployment and long-term care insurance for the aged policy. Also, the information and discipline was used in the process of implementing of unemployment insurance policy and the partnership was used in the process of implementing of long-term care insurance for the aged policy. Third, in case of voluntary policy instrument, the government uses the family and community in the process of implementing of almost the whole social insurance policy.

• 한국사회정책
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• v.24 no.2
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• pp.31-60
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• 2017

This paper aims to reveal the background and issues of the current reform proposals for social insurance in Germany and to draw their implications for Korea. The essence of the German social insurance crisis is that of normality of industrial society on which it has been based, revealing itself by the dual crisis of finance and dualization. Reform proposals are regarded as diverse responses to the crisis of the normality within individual social insurance schemes. They are searching for transforming health insurance into citizen's insurance, pension insurance into various alternatives including all worker's insurance and citizen's pension, unemployment insurance into employment insurance. One of the commonalities of the them is that they attempt to reconstruct the old normality. However, due to the economic recovery, the historical experiences of improving social insurance, and high satisfaction, they are expected to struggle with the gradual improvements rather than radical shift from their tradition. In Korea, where the maturity of social insurance is low, it is necessary to mark the crisis faced by German social insurance as a teacher. We need to go back to the fundamental spirit of social policy and redraw the blue prints of social policy by opening minds to plentiful alternatives in the eyes of normality reconstruction.

• 한국노년학
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• v.38 no.3
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• pp.453-466
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• 2018

The purpose of this study is to explore the enlightenment of the Korean long-term care insurance policy on Qingdao's long-term care insurance policy through policy comparison. China and Korea are very similar in terms of cultural background, living habits, and population structure. Therefore, the successful experience of Korean long-term care insurance has great implications for Qingdao even China to build a long-term care insurance system. Through the literature review, this article compares the long-term care insurance policy implemented by Qingdao City and Korea in Gilbert & Terrell's social welfare policy analysis framework. With the comparison this article discusses about the existing problems of the current pilot policy system in Qingdao, such as lack of legislation support and financial independence, assessment standards are not detailed, and human resources are insufficient. The author raises five suggestions to improve Qingdao's long-term care policy as the conclusion of this paper: legislation support, detailed assessment standard, expand categories of benefits, enrich delivery network, optimize financing sources.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare Studies
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• no.36
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• pp.29-53
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• 2008

Being the most populated country in the world, China's one-child policy is its basic national policy. This basic national policy is implemented together with the Maternity Insurance, which is one of the five main social insurances in the Chinese society. The Maternity Insurance is society's way of recognizing women's contribution towards child- bearing and is of utmost important significance. However, with regard to women who are not living within the city or are not working, not only are they not the target for one-child policy, they are also unable to receive the social benefit from the Maternity Insurance. Among the conditions for payment of the Maternity Insurance is the adherence to the one-child policy. Ultimately, working women living in towns and cities adhering to the one-child policy will have a positive influence on the Maternity Insurance. However this places a restriction on reducing the discrepancies to benefit from the Maternity Insurance. On the contrary, women from the villages and those moving between towns and cities are those who really need the Maternity Insurance and yet are unable to benefit from it. While we improve on the Maternity Insurance to include this group of women, we have to at the same time consider the effect it has on the one-child policy. The reformation of the Maternity Insurance has to embody the principle of a harmonious society. It has to have a certain order in the country's national policies, so as to be included in the economic policies of towns and villages.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.57 no.2
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• pp.165-184
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• 2005

Japan has remained a welfare laggard among advanced industrial democracies. Therefore, the introduction of the public long-term care insurance(koteki kaigo hoken in Japanese) in April of 2000 looks very unique in terms of the Japanese social security tradition, because it can be interpreted as the expansion of social security system and the weakening of the market power over the livelihood of the ordinary people. In the era of globalization, in which even the highly developed welfare states are forced to shrink their social security systems, Japan, a welfare laggard, looks like being headed to the opposite direction. This article aims to define the character of the public long-term care insurance, and thereby, to evaluate the recent social policy of the Japanese government. This study follows the social democratic model in the study of the welfare state development, which assumes that, under the condition of a weak social democratic party and a fragmented labor movement, the introduction of the long-term care insurance is not equal to the improvement of the Japanese social security system. The main argument of this article is that the long-term care insurance, notwithstanding its appearance as an expansion of public sphere, is part of market-oriented neo-liberal social reforms, which have remained the main feature of the Japanese social policies since the mid-1970's. For this, this study will do a longitudinal analysis on the social consequences of the long-term care insurance incurred to the Japanese social security system for the long-term care, focusing on the income redistribution, the marketization of long-term care sector and the changes in the financial burden of the government, social insurers and general citizens.

• Korean Journal of Labor Studies
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• v.24 no.1
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• pp.197-227
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• 2018

This article aims to analyze some conditions for the reinforcing social security rights of atypical construction workers, and their socio-economical effects, and furthermore, to explore political measures for compliance with obligation of the four basic social insurances. Although the construction industry is one of the pivotal industry sectors, which contributes to the economic development, it is a typical industry sector, half of whose manpower is atypical and irregular. This kind of reality results especially from its own sectoral features and employment structure. We will argue that our society needs political measures for compliance with obligation of the basic social insurances for the construction workers, and it would help the reinforcing social safety net of the precarious construction workers, and furthermore enhancing competition in the construction industry. For this purpose, we will suggest concrete conditions for compliance with obligation of the basic social insurances and prove its positive socio-economic effects. In the end, we will propose some detailed measures like direct construction, introduction of the prevailing wage, etc. for this politic approach.

• 한국사회정책
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• v.25 no.1
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• pp.345-375
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• 2018

This study examines labour market and unemployment protection policies as a configuration in 12 OECD countries in order to investigate how countries from different regime conform to or diverse from previous welfare state regime discussion, and to examine its relationship with poverty and inequality. In analyzing the combination of the unemployment insurance, the unemployment assistance, and active labour market policy, firstly, fuzzy scores of unemployment insurance was calculated by analyzing the strictness of eligibility, duration of benefit and the generosity of income replacement rate. For unemployment assistance, the ratio of public assistance expenditure to the GDP in each country and the ratio of unemployment benefit level to the average wage in each country have been considered. As for the active labour market policy, the total expenditure per GDP of this policy was converted into fuzzy points and analyzed. As a result, 5 types in 2005 and 6 types in 2010 were generated. Specifically, 'assistance type(iAp)', 'insurance type (Iap)', 'comprehensive safety net type (IAP)', 'weak safety net type(iap)' were analyzed. This paper suggested policy implication for South Korean case, which consistently had high score for weak safety net type(iap).

• 한국사회복지학회:학술대회논문집
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• 2005.10a
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• pp.343-349
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• 2005

• 한국사회복지학회:학술대회논문집
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• 2003.05a
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• pp.377-388
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• 2003

본 연구에서는 여성복지정책 개념이 갖는 지향성에 따라 노무현 정부 여성복지정책과 김대중 정부 여성복지정책을 비교함으로써 노무현 정부 여성복지정책의 성격 규명을 시도하였다. 부녀복지정책에서 여성복지정책으로 개념이 진일보한 1990년대 이후 여성복지정책은 일반 여성을 대상으로 한 정책이라는 막연한 이미지 전달을 시도하였다. 그러나 이같은 여성복지정책 개념은 여성복지정책이 추구하는 사회적 기능의 회복, 인간다운 삶 등이 무엇을 의미하는지 추상적인 나열을 하는 데 그침으로써 성차별 문제를 희석시키는 한계를 보인다. 따라서 김대중 정부 이후 대중적 차원에서 자리매김을 확고히해 가고 있는 여성복지정책의 성격이 좁은 의미에서 복지 문제와 넓은 의미에서 성차별 문제 중 어느쪽에 비중을 두면서 변화해 가고 있는지 혹은 변화해 가야 하는지 등에 대만 분석과 전망을 제대로 제시할 수 없는 제한점을 갖는다. 따라서 본 연구에서는 사회복지정책의 한 영역으로서 '여성복지'를 보는 여성복지정책과 '여성정책'의 한 영역으로서 '여성복지'를 보는 여성복지정책의 차원에서 김대중 정부와 노무현 정부 여성복지정책에 대한 논의를 전개하였다. 김대중 정부 출범 이후 여성복지정책의 변화 양상은 어떠한가? 여성복지정책과 여성복지정책 중 어떤 차원으로의 변화가 두드러진다고 볼 수 있나? 김대중 정부 여성복지정책 기조가 노무현 정부에서 계승되는 양상은 어떠한가? 노무현 정부 여성복지정책 기조는 여성복지정책과 여성복지정책 중 어느 것이 될 것인가? 김대중 정부 출범 이후 사회보험을 중심으로 일어난 변화는 여성복지정책이 전통적인 부녀복지정책 개념에서 탈피하는 양상을 잘 보여주고 있다고 알 수 있다. 또한 여성의 소득 수준 향상 등 여성복지정책적 측면에서 변화를 관찰할 수 있다. 그러나 여성복지정책적 성격을 드러낼 만큼 여성복지정책이 성차별 문제 해소에 중점을 두었다고 보기는 어렵다. 게다가 공공부조에서는 성차별 문제나 복지 문제 중 어느 것에 초점을 둔 정책 방향의 일관성을 발견하기 힘들다. 대통령 공약 사항을 중심으로 살펴본 노무현 정부 여성복지정책은 사회보험 대상자 확대라는 측면에서 여성복지정책적 차원의 단초를 보이고 있으니, 정색 기조는 김대중 정부의 여성복지정책 흐름을 계승하고 있다. 그러나 노무현 정부 출범 이후 관찰할 수 있는 정색 환경의 변화로서 여성부 기능 강화와 급격한 인구학적 변동을 고려할 때 정책 추진 주체 변화를 전제로 한 여성복지정책 강화를 예측해 볼 수 있다.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare Studies
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• v.42 no.4
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• pp.61-102
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• 2011

The purpose of this article is to anatomize the political dynamics of South Korea's healthcare policymaking through the integrative analytical framework combining the policy network perspective and the advocacy coalition theory. This framework is expected to be advantageous to the analysis of Korea's turbulent healthcare policy change from a systematic and process-driven point of view. A target of analysis is the two decades of turbulence to transform the health insurance system into a single payer system. Through the analysis, this article tries to illuminate the dynamics of Korea's healthcare policymaking, by connecting environmental context, policy networks, advocacy coalitions, and policy outputs. For a case study, this article classifies the debates to inaugurate a single payer system into four sub-phases and conducts longitudinal comparative research.