• The Journal of Korea Robotics Society
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• v.18 no.2
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• pp.172-181
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• 2023

This paper presents research on the stability of control for a quadruped robot with two different leg structure designs. The focus of the research is on the design and analysis of the leg structures in terms of their impact on the stability and robustness of the robot's motion. First, a static analysis was performed in the simulation to compare the structural strength of the legs when the same force was applied. Secondly, two quadruped robots were built, each equipped with differently designed legs, and performed trot gait walking in the real world. And the states of the robots and the torques of each joint were analyzed and compared. In conclusion, based on the results of structural analysis in simulation and the actual walking experiments with the robots, it was demonstrated that the legs designed to be structurally robust improved the control stability of the quadruped robot.

• Transactions of the Korean Society of Mechanical Engineers A
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• v.39 no.2
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• pp.219-225
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• 2015

Because a hydraulic actuator has high power and force densities, this allows the weight of the robot's limbs to be reduced. This allows for good dynamic characteristics and high energy efficiency. Thus, hydraulic actuators are used in some exoskeleton robots and quadrupedal robots that require high torque. Force control is useful for robot compliance with a user or environment. However, force control of a hydraulic robot is difficult because a hydraulic servo system is highly nonlinear from a control perspective. In this study, a nonlinear model was used to develop a simulation program for a hydraulic servo system consisting of a servo valve, transmission lines, and a cylinder. The problems and considerations with regard to the force control performance for a hydraulic servo system were investigated. A force control method using the nonlinear model was proposed, and its effect was evaluated with the simulation program.

• Journal of the Korea Academia-Industrial cooperation Society
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• v.16 no.2
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• pp.1092-1100
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• 2015

This thesis is a part of a case study conducted in order to understand the trends of the 16th~17th century Cheongju region bigwigs, and has examined the life and academic stream of Seogye Deuk-Yoon LEE (1553-1630) focused on the previous study, "The Great Family Genealogy of Ikjaegong of the Gyeongju LEE Family". Seogye Deuk-Yoon LEE learned from his father Seomgye Jam LEE, and GiSEO, Ji-Hwa PARK from an early age, and based the basic orientation of his studies on one's moral and religious self one's moral and religious self'. This is how he became to emphasize "Sohak" (an introductory book of Confucianism for children), and he made an effort to realize the world of Neo-Confucianism by distributing the 'YEO's Hyangyak(Lue-shih-hsiang-yueeh : autonomic regulations of the district areas)' published on "Sohak". Furthermore, he made great effort in education of the Cheongju by regarding it as his own mission to teach young scholars, continuing on the footsteps of his father. Considering this, Seogye was not only a Confucian scholar that devoted himself to 'Sugi(moral training of himself', but was also a practical scholar that committed his sense of social responsibility in ' teaching' and 'governing the people, who greatly affected the academic world of the regional bigwigs of the Cheongju during the 17th century. Furthermore, Deuk-Yoon LEE was a member of the 'Nangseongpalhyeon(eight wise men of the Cheongju region) together with his disciple Deok-soo LEE, who performed a core role in establishing the 'Gihohakpa(Capital and Chungcheong province School)' and 'Hoseosarim(forest of scholars in Chungcheong province)' of the Cheongju region. As a main figure in establishing the Sinhang Confucian academy, he prepared the socio-economic basis for the 'Gihohakpa' to take place in the Cheongju, and by academically associating with Sagye Jang-Seng Kim without regarding their conflicting parties, he became the bridge in allowing his disciple, Deok-Soo LEE to associate with the academic stream and the 'Gihohakpa'. Through such roles, he allowed the relatively easy establishment of the 'Gihohakpa' and 'Hoseosarim', which continued to Jang-Seng KIM and Si-Yeol SONG, in order to prepare the basis and establish the strength of its basis in the Cheongju region from the late 17th century.

• Journal of Korean Historical Folklife
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• no.44
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• pp.145-176
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• 2014

This study analyzed official duties and personnel practices of Hyangcheong(鄕廳), administrative organization in which sajok(士族) participate this office, and Jakcheong(作廳), hyangree(鄕吏)'s office, of Anbyeon of Hamgyeong Province in the 19th century. Although there have beeen somewhat of case study of Gyeongsang, Honam, etc., study on Hamgyeong Province has been almost nonexistent because of the limitation of materials. Hence, this paper specifically examined Hyangcheong and Jakcheong's official duties and personnel practices through an article of 'a list of Hyangcheong and Jakcheong's officials' of Anbyeon, newly found, which is in the possession of this writer. Especially, this study virtually traced individual ststus and family by analyzing Hyangcheong and Jakcheong's 40-official duties and a list of 330-ofiicial duties for sixs years. And then by comparing it against Jokbo(族譜), I have grasped 19-Famlily of them. Executives of Hyangcheong could be grasped as they were status of Yangban(兩班), but members of Jakcheong were hardly identified because they were status of hyangree, thus most of them were not enscrolled in Jokbo. Hyangcheong and Jakcheong's official duties could be found by compare it with other area in Ehubgi(邑誌) Hamgyeong Province. the features of officiak duties are as in the following. On general administrative organization, Sajok's Hayngcheong, Jakcheong as general administrative organization and Jangcheong(將廳) as police work existed. As Pyeongando and Hamgyeongdo were border areas, Jangcheong was independent and led other institutions. However, in Anbyeon, Hojang(戶長) of Hayngcheong and Jakcheong divided dudies and commanded. Hojang'role was higher than any other areas, Because Hojang is in charge of Jangcheong's functions. Jakcheong was centrally operated by Hojang, Eebang(吏房), and Hyeongbang(刑房), so-called 'Samgonghyeong(三公兄)', Whereas Anbyeon was operated by Hojang, Eebang, Chunchong(千摠). In the general areas, While Juasu(座首) Byeolgam(別監), Executive of Hyangcheong, manages each warehouse(倉) where the nation's tax revenues are kept, In Anbyeon besides Joasu, Hyangso(鄕所). The principle of Hyangcheong and Jakcheong's personnel practices was one-period, but there were many consecutive terms, every other year terms, or tranference into other area. Police work was assumed by specific persons because it was relatively specialized job, However in case of Ghamsaek(監色) of each warehouse(倉), Hyangso(鄕所) of Hyangcheong or Hojang of Jakcheong had held plural offices, and was solely responsible it. On the overall features of its operation, Hyangcheong held plural offices, but rotation was made only within Hyangcheong. On the other hand, in the case of Jakcheong, Hojang, Eebang, and even Buriebang circulated their positions, but the other Hyangree rotated each Saek(色) and Guamguan of each warehouse(倉). This writer confirmed that unlike Gyeongsang and Hamgyeong, Hyangcheoung or duties of Hyangree were not handed from generation to generation by several families and, many families shared their work by circulating positions.

• Korean Journal of Oriental Medicine
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• v.13 no.2 s.20
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• pp.15-25
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• 2007

Neo-Confucianism(性理學) which provided an ideological base to found Chosun Dynasty which substituted for Koryu Dynasty, presented In-Cheong(仁政) as ideal statecraft. In-Cheong(仁政) is realizing spirit of In(仁) which means a forever creating power(生生之心), for that reason it was a natural result that the ruling class of Chosun Dynasty had interest in medical science. Therefore they remarked 'In-Cheong(仁政) has achieved' when medical books were published, also remarked Hwal-In-Seo(活人署） as an institute of realizing Wang-Cheong(王政) while Hwal-In-Seo(活人署) was placed in very low civil service grade, although the ruling class classified medical science as a Chap-Hak(雜學) which means not essential but necessary knowledge, and ranked it much lower than Confucianism. While had improved medical service system of Korea Dynasty, Chosun Dynasty had special interest in local medicine: expanding provincal medical centers, educating a medical student(醫生) in a medical school who was core human power in local medicine, etc. Nevertheless the local medicine was still depressed. The reasons are ; not providing enough medical center, not much fund to run each center and mobilizing a medical student(醫生) for miscellaneous labor. Depressed local medicine had changed when 士族 came to have an interest in medical science. 士族 had read a lots of medical books from the early Chosun Dynasty. 16th century they even wrote some books on medicine by themselves based on their experience as a provincial governor.　On the other hand Yi-Mun-Geon(李文楗) who wrote Muk-Jae Diary belongs to the latter. He did not use the art of acupucture. He was a civil official in Seoul, so he could get a lots of books and enough medical stuffs. After a while. he was exiled in Seong-Ju(星州) and took part in local medicine there. The local medicine was depressed in Seong-Ju(星州) at that time. Yi-Mun-Geon(李文楗) was a kind of medical consultant as well as a local doctor. Such medical doings by Sa-Jok(士族) may be a moment that provide power to local Sa-Jok(士族). Sa-Jok(士族) themselves were enthusiastic in treating their sick slaves because the slaves were financial foundation of Sa-Jok(士族). After 17th century, however, the relative importance which Sa-Jok(士族) in the country had held in 16th century had decreased gradually while professional doctors bad increased.

• Journal of Korean Library and Information Science Society
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• v.44 no.3
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• pp.447-470
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• 2013

The purpose of this study is to examine how the cultural aspects of the publication of literary collections have been changed from its time throughout the entire Joseon Dynasty. At the royal court in the early Joseon Dynasty, the need for publication of the literary collections has consistently arisen to preserve writings of the noted sages, and the Joseon government was also taking the lead and promoting the publication of the literary collections. From the 16th to the early 18th century, the publication was intensively made at the local governments led by local governors. From the 17th to the early to middle of the 18th century, the finances of local governments were limited with the changed taxation system, and there had been a dramatic decrease in the number of literary publication projects. On the other hand, with the sudden increase of the number of Seowons during the reign of King Sukjong, the focus of the literary publication was moved to Seowon from the 18th to the 19th century. After the enforcement of the Seowon Abolition Decree, the collections were still published at Seowons, however from the end of 19th century, the publication of literary collections had been explosively made by aristocrats who did not belong to the institution of Seowon or could not receive Seowon's support, which spreaded over the entire Yangban culture.

• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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• v.7 no.4
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• pp.48-64
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• 2001

In the dissertation, Bibos are discussed as landscape features in the geographical context of Youngnam Region. The bibo tradition in Youngnam Region began with the incorporation of temple structures in Shilla and Kaya kingdoms, and spread throughout the country during the period of Unified Shilla. In Korea Dynasty, the diffusion of temple Bibo gained momentum, because Buddhism was worshipped as national religion. Then came a sea change in the Bibo repertoire with the replacement of Buddhism by Confucianism as an ideological prop for Chason Korea. The retreat of Buddhism led to the popularization of feng-shui motifs in Bibo strategy. The centers of the diffusion of the logic of bibo were major towns such as Kyongju, Ahndong, Sangju, and Chinju. The diffusion process continued top-down to mid-sized towns, and to the bottom of small villages. What sustained the hierarchical diffusion of Bibo attributes was myriad of transportation lines. The main artery of the diffusion in Korea Dynasty was that connecting Kaegyong to Kyongju. That same function was performed by the royal road running from Seoul through Sangju, Milyang, and to Tongrae. In the age of modernization, the feng-shui and Bibo landscapes have lost their original aura. They have suffered from the ruthless attacks of the Enlightenment logic of science. However, the elan vital of feng-shui and Bibo are still visible and strongly felt in the countryside. From field experiences, one can notice that the Bibo landscapes are tightly integrated into the rural way of life. The durability of the traditional geomancy shows us the beauty of the harmonious interplay between Youngnam people and the nature.

• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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• v.8 no.3
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• pp.326-346
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• 2002

This study examined how the tradition and culture based on the historical experience of the region are regenerated on the making regional identity and symbolic representation in Kurim-ri, Youngam. Kurim has represented the most typical community of the aristocratic class through Daedong-gae of 400 years. But, since 1970's Kurim has undergone a rapid change in regional identity in Kurim ; from the beginning of the spot of Wangin festival to the village of earthenware, the village of pottery culture heritage most recently. The process of history-making around Wangin in Kurim was connected with the strategy of the pottery culture village-making centering around the Youngam Pottery Culture Center. These projects ultimately were resulted in expression the regional identity, 'Kurim of Wang-in'. The regional tradition of Daedong-gae and Wangin in Kurim was linked together solidly through the Wangin festival procedures. And the excavation of a kiln site in Kurim which was going on with the process of history-making at the same time around Wangin in Kurim provided the cultural episode on related 'earthenware' with an archeological foundation. As a consequence of these, the cultural space, the Young-am Pottery Culture Center has came to establish in Kurim finally. However, recently the Kurim of Wangin and Daedong-gae which was representative of regional identity in Kurim is bringing Dosun who was distorted and estranged during the history-making focused on Wangin in Kurim. Now, there are some cultural issues in Kurim ; an authentical settlement of the Youngam Pottery Culture Center in Kurim and how Wangin and Dosun is linked together into the cultural strategy of 'the traditional village, Kurim'.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.38 no.2
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• pp.206-223
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• 2003

Bays and caps represent the physical characteristics of Naepo area in Korea. And reclamation of tidal land presents a clue toward the understanding of regional identities and landscape changes in this area. Reclamation of tidal land in the Garorim bay that is representative of the physical geographies of Naepo area had trended toward 'the diffusion of salt ponds' during Joseon dynasty. Hereafter the Japanese imperialism, the reclamation had tumed to 'the reclamation of arable lands' by drainage. But, at the same time the land use of salt pond that had been the most appropriate strategy of adaptation for the ecological environments of this area has showed a sort of the geographical long-term durability. And the great landlords that had emerged during Japanese imperialism were the Yeom-han(鹽漢, laborers who engaged in salt production) in former times. They as a new local elites have played a leading role in the reclamation of tidal land and the making of regional landscape.

• Journal of Korean Historical Folklife
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• no.44
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• pp.7-37
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• 2014

The people of Silla was described as the descendants of Hwagwan(official of fire) on the tombstone of King Munmu(文武王), and Gim Yusin(金庾信) was described as the descendants of Shaohao Jintian(少昊 金天) and Huangdi Xuanyuan(黃帝 軒轅) on his tombstone. It says that the royal households of Silla and Gaya had common ancestor. Hwagwan was the official who took charge of fire management and the ritual for Antares(${\alpha}$ Sco) in ancient China. Hed founded State Ra(羅國). The name of Silla(新羅) means new State Ra, so he could become the ancestor of the people of Silla. He was the son of Zuanxu Gaoyang. State Gaya(加耶), the fatherland of Gim Yusin had been called Geumgwan-gug(金官國) which means the state of official of metal. Geumgwan was the son of Shaohao Jintian. Silla was the state of Hwagwan and the Gaya was the state of Geumgwan. Hwagwan, the founder of the royal household of Silla was the son of Zuanxu and Geumgwan, the founder of the royal household of Gaya was the son of Shaohao. Zuanxu and Shaohao was the descendants of Hwangdi, so Hwangdi was the common ancestor of Silla and Gaya. Finally Hwangdi became the same ancestor of Gim Yusin and King Muyeol(武烈王) who was the father of King Munmu. The tombstone of King Munmu and Gim Yusin manifests the union of the blood of Gim Yusin and King Muyeol. But it was not the fact but the rhetorical fiction.