• Applied Biological Chemistry
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• v.16 no.2
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• pp.99-111
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• 1973

Percentage recovery or fertilizer nitrogen, phosphorus and potassium by rice plant(Oriza sativa L.) were investigated at 8, 10, 12, 14 kg/10a of N, 6 kg of $P_2O_5$ and 8 kg of $K_2O$ application level in 1967 (51 places) and 1968 (32 places). Two types of nutrient contribution for the yield, that is, P type in which phosphorus firstly increases silicate uptake and secondly silicate increases nitrogen uptake, and K type in which potassium firstly increases P uptake and secondly P increases nitrogen uptake were postulated according to the following results from the correlation analyses (linear) between percentage recovery of fertilizer nutrient and grain or dry matter yields and nutrient uptake. 1. Percentage frequency of minus or zero recovery occurrence was 4% in nitrogen, 48% in phosphorus and 38% in potassium. The frequency distribution of percentage recovery appeared as a normal distribution curve with maximum at 30 to 40 recovery class in nitrogen, but appeared as a show distribution with maximum at below zero class in phosphorus and potassium. 2. Percentage recovery (including only above zero) was 33 in N (above 10kg/10a), 27 in P, 40 in K in 1967 and 40 in N, 20 in P, 46 in Kin 1968. Mean percentage recovery of two years including zero for zero or below zero was 33 in N, 13 in P and 27 in K. 3. Standard deviation of percentage recovery was greater than percentage recovery in P and K and annual variation of CV (coefficient of variation) was greatest in P. 4. The frequency of significant correlation between percentage recovery and grain or dry matter yield was highest in N and lowest in P. Percentage recovery of nitrogen at 10 kg level has significant correlation only with percentage recovery of P in 1967 and only with that of potassium in 1968. 5. The correlation between percentage recovery and dry matter yield of all treatments showed only significant in P in 1967, and only significant in K in 1968, Negative correlation coefficients between percentage recovery and grain or dry matter yield of no or minus fertilizer plots were shown only in K in 1967 and only in P in 1968 indicating that phosphorus fertilizer gave a distinct positive role in 1967 but somewhat' negative role in 1968 while potassium fertilizer worked positively in 1968 but somewhat negatively in 1967. 6. The correlation between percentage recovery of nutrient and grain yield showed similar tendency as with dry matter yield but lower coefficients. Thus the role of nutrients was more precisely expressed through dry matter yield. 7. Percentage recovery of N very frequently had significant correlation with nitrogen uptake of nitrogen applied plot, and significant negative correlation with nitrogen uptake of minus nitrogen plot, and less frequently had significant correlation with P, K and Si uptake of nitrogen applied plot. 8. Percentage recovery of P had significant correlation with Si uptake of all treatments and with N uptake of all treatments except minus phosphorus plot in 1967 indicating that phosphorus application firstly increases Si uptake and secondly silicate increases nitrogen uptake. Percentage recovery of P also frequently had significant correlation with P or K uptake of nitrogen applied plot. 9. Percentage recovery of K had significant correlation with P uptake of all treatments, N uptake of all treatments except minus phosphorus plot, and significant negative correlation with K uptake of minus K plot and with Si uptake of no fertilizer plot or the highest N applied plot in 1968, and negative correlation coefficient with P uptake of no fertilizer or minus nutrient plot in 1967. Percentage recovery of K had higher correlation coefficients with dry matter yield or grain yield than with K uptake. The above facts suggest that K application firstly increases P uptake and secondly phosphorus increases nitrogen uptake for dry matter yied. 10. Percentage recovery of N had significant higher correlation coefficient with grain yield or dry matter yield of minus K plot than with those of minus phosphorus plot, and had higher with those of fertilizer plot than with those of minus K plot. Similar tendency was observed between N uptake and percentage recovery of N among the above treatments. Percentage recovery of K had negative correlation coefficient with grain or-dry matter yield of no fertilizer plot or minus nutrient plot. These facts reveal that phosphorus increases nitrogen uptake and when phosphorus or nitrogen is insufficient potassium competatively inhibits nitrogen uptake. 11. Percentage recovery of N, Pand K had significant negative correlation with relative dry matter yield of minus phosphorus plot (yield of minus plot x 100/yield of complete plot; in 1967 and with relative grain yield of minus K plot in 1968. These results suggest that phosphorus affects tillering or vegetative phase more while potassium affects grain formation or Reproductive phase more, and that clearly show the annual difference of P and K fertilizer effect according to the weather. 12. The correlation between percentage recovery of fertilizer and the relative yield of minus nutrient plat or that of no fertilizer plot to that of minus nutrient plot indicated that nitrogen is the most effective factor for the production even in the minus P or K plot. 13. From the above facts it could be concluded that about 40 to 50 percen of paddy fields do rot require P or K fertilizer and even in the case of need the application amount should be greatly different according to field and weather of the year, especially in phosphorus.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.27 no.2
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• pp.37-76
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• 2017

$Nguy{\tilde{\hat{e}}}n$ Cư Trinh has two faces in the history of territorial expansion of Vietnam into the Mekong delta. One is his heroic contribution to the $Nguy{\tilde{\hat{e}}}n$ family gaining control over the large part of the Mekong delta. The other is his role to make the eyes of readers of Vietnamese history be fixed only to the present territory of Vietnam. To the readers, $Nguy{\tilde{\hat{e}}}n$ Cư Trinh's achievement of territorial expansion was the final stage of the nam $ti{\acute{\hat{e}}n$ of Vietnam. In fact, however, his achievement was partial. This study pays attention to the King $V{\tilde{o}}$ instead of $Nguy{\tilde{\hat{e}}}n$ Cư Trinh in the history of the territorial expansion in the Mekong delta. King's goal was more ambitious. And the ambition was propelled by his dream to build a new world, and its order, in which his new capital, $Ph{\acute{u}}$ $Xu{\hat{a}}n$ was to be the center with his status as an emperor. To improve my assertion, three elements were examined in this article. First is the nature of $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương's new kingship. Second is the preparation and the background of the military operation in the Mekong Delta. The nature of the new territory is the third element of the discussion. In 1744, six years after this ascending to the throne, $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương declared he was a king. Author points out this event as the departure of the southern kingdom from the traditional dynasties based on the Red River delta. Besides, the government system, northern custom and way of dressings were abandoned and new southern modes were adopted. $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương had enough tributary kingdoms such as Cambodia, Champa, Thủy $X{\tilde{a}}$, Hoả $X{\tilde{a}}$, Vạn Tượng, and Nam Chưởng. Compared with the $L{\hat{e}}$ empire, the number of the tributary kingdoms was higher and the number was equivalent to that of the Đại Nam empire of the 19th century. In reality, author claims, the King $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ real intention was to become an emperor. Though he failed in using the title of emperor, he distinguished himself by claiming himself as the Heaven King, $Thi{\hat{e}}n$ Vương. Cambodian king's attack on the thousands of Cham ethnics in Cambodian territory was an enough reason to the King $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ military intervention. He considered these Cham men and women as his amicable subjects, and he saw them a branch of the Cham communities in his realm. He declared war against Cambodia in 1750. At the same time he sent a lengthy letter to the Siamese king claiming that the Cambodia was his exclusive tributary kingdom. Before he launched a fatal strike on the Mekong delta which had been the southern part of Cambodia, $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương renovated his capital $Ph{\acute{u}}$ $Xu{\hat{a}}n$ to the level of the new center of power equivalent to that of empire for his sake. Inflation, famine, economic distortion were also the features of this time. But this study pays attention more to the active policy of the King $V{\tilde{o}}$ as an empire builder than to the economic situation that has been told as the main reason for King $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ annexation of the large part of the Mekong delta. From the year of 1754, by the initiative of $Nguy{\tilde{\hat{e}}}n$ Cư Trinh, almost whole region of the Mekong delta within the current border line was incorporated into the territory of $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương within three years, though the intention of the king was to extend his land to the right side of the Mekong Basin beyond the current border such as Kampong Cham, Prey Vieng, and Svai Rieng. The main reason was $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương's need to expand his territory to be matched with that of his potential empire with the large number of the tributary kingdoms. King $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ strategy was the variation of 'silkworm nibbling' and 'to strike barbarians by barbarians.' He ate the land of Lower Cambodia, the region of the Mekong delta step by step as silkworm nibbles mulberry leave(general meaning of $t{\acute{a}}m$ thực), but his final goal was to eat all(another meaning of $t{\acute{a}}m$ thực) the part of the Mekong delta including the three provinces of Cambodia mentioned above. He used Cham to strike Cambodian in the process of getting land from Long An area to $Ch{\hat{a}}u$ Đốc. This is a faithful application of the Dĩ Man $C{\hat{o}}ng$ Man (to strike barbarians by barbarians). In addition he used Chinese refugees led by the Mạc family or their quasi kingdom to gain land in the region of $H{\grave{a}}$ $Ti{\hat{e}}n$ and its environs from the hand of Cambodian king. This is another application of Dĩ Man $C{\hat{o}}ng$ Man. In sum, author claims a new way of looking at the origin of the imperial world order which emerged during the first half of the 19th century. It was not the result of the long history of Đại Việt empires based on the Red River delta, but the succession of the King $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ new world based on $Ph{\acute{u}}$ $Xu{\hat{a}}n$. The same ways of Dĩ Man $C{\hat{o}}ng$ Man and $T{\acute{a}}m$ Thực Chi $K{\acute{\hat{e}}}$ were still used by $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ descendents. His grandson Gia Long used man such as Thai, Khmer, Lao, Chinese, and European to win another man the '$T{\hat{a}}y$ Sơn bandits' that included many of Chinese pirates, Cham, and other mountain peoples. His great grand son Minh Mạng constructed a splendid empire. At the same time, however, Minh Mạng kept expanding the size of his empire by eating all the part of Cambodia and Cham territories.