• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.27
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• pp.171-200
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• 2016

This paper will analyze the filial piety based ethics of Daesoonjinrihoe (大巡眞理會) and the traditional filial piety of Confucianism (儒敎), Buddhism (佛敎) and Taoism (道敎) through comparing and contrasting their unique systems. The traditional Korean ethics regarding filial piety are in great need of reformation as the relationship between the parents and children should not be vertical or unilateral but parallel and reciprocal. However, there have not been sufficient in-depth studies on this specific ideology and alternative approaches. Regarding this prospect, one representative Korean indigenous new religion, Daesoonjinrihoe has emerged and directly engages in the collision between traditionalism and modernity. The modernity of Daesoonjinrihoe, enables the observation of how the filial piety based ethics have developed within a system of doctrine and thereby provides an exemplary model of traditional filial piety reimagined in accordance with modern sensibilities. A brief summary of comparative findings is as follows: First, Daesoonjinrihoe and Confucianism have taken serving parents with respect as an ethic within filial piety, but Confucianism engenders this ideal through the unilateral and unconditional sacrifice of younger people based on patriarchal feudalism whereas Daesoonjinrihoe has rejected such unilateral sacrifice and instead promotes mutual beneficience between parents and children. This difference occurs, in part, due to the filial piety of Confucianism rising in the midst of the feudal order whereas the ideology of Daesoonjinrihoe contains ideals such as "the reciprocation of favor for mutual beneficence (報恩相生)" and "respect for humanity (人尊)," both of which serve as key principles of the new religious world as envisioned by Daesoonjinrihoe. Second, filial piety in Buddhism and Taoism tends to be passive and inactive and is often expressed by praying for happiness and longevity for one's parents while they are alive and later praying for the heavenly rebirth of one's parents after they die. The filial piety of Daesoonjinrihoe also partially contains such ideas, however; they are extended much further and arrive upon novel and profound expressions. The spectrum of the filial piety in Daesoonjinrihoe expands to the extent children perform actions to resolve their parent's sins and pave a new road for their parents. This filial piety requires a cultivation practice from both parents and children. This system of dual cultivation was established because the world-view of Daesoonjinrihoe enables both parents and children to enjoy happiness and wealth both of which are achieved through the completion of religious objectives following cultivation practice. Third, Confucianism and Daesoonjinrihoe hold memorial services for ancestors with sincerity as an expression of filial piety. Filial piety in the Confucian context excludes ideas from Shamanism and thereby memorial services are held for impersonal entities, however; in the Daesoonjinrihoe context, memorial services are held for personal-entities. Accordingly, holding a memorial service for ancestors with sincerity has a greater sense of realism in Daesoonjinrihoe than it does in Confucianism. Fourth, while Confucianism and Daesoonjinrihoe both aim to requite the grace received from ancestors, the contents of grace and reciprocation of favors (報恩) are viewed differently. In Confucianism, since the ancestors existed previously and bestowed the gift of life to their children and indirectly, all of their descendents. Therefore, memorial services for ancestors are held to convey gratitude and filial piety. However, in Daesoonjinrihoe, ancestors not only bestowed the gift of earthly life to their descendents, in the spirit realm, ancestral spirits also spend sixty years accumulating the merit necessary to imbue each of their descendents with spiritual insight. Consequently, filial piety is expressed through memorial services as well as spiritual cultivation. Fifth, in Confucianism, achieving the fame and prestige indicative of success in the mundane world can be an act of filial piety as it would bring pride to one's ancestors, but in Daesoonjinrihoe, succeeding in religious objectives through spiritual cultivation is considered to be a higher form of filial piety. Sixth, Confucianism, Buddhism and Taoism all observe filial piety as system of familial ethics based in morality. This is likewise true of Daesoonjinrihoe, however; Daesoonjinrihoe confers greater importance on filial piety as an essential form of ethics for religious redemption. This is due to the Daesoon interpretation that the absence of filial piety was the direct cause which led to the sickened state of the world and its collapse. Forgetting the grace of parents who have given the gift of life or the grace of ancestral spirits who have accumulated merit on behalf of their descendents are acts of ingratitude which are unacceptable during the period of Reordering of the Universe. Judging from these findings, Daesoonjinrihoe embraces parts of traditional filial piety as it exists in Confucianism, Buddhism and Taoism, but it does so on the ground of its own unique culture. Through re-interpretation and re-creation, ideas regarding filial piety are being further developed. Namely, filial piety in Daesoonjinrihoe is regulations founded upon the reciprocation of favors for mutual beneficence and respect for humanity. Therefore, it is understood as a concept wherein one's own cultivation practice is performed in order to reach religious objectives, the perfection of personal character, and spiritual insight. This requires that even recipents of filial piety (i.e., parents) perform certain cultivation practices to enjoy happiness and wealth. Additionally, filial piety in Daesoonjinrihoe manifests a reinforced religious character and also serves as a system ethics which is soteriologically essential for salvation during the period known as the Reordering of the Universe.

• Journal of the Korean Academy of Child and Adolescent Psychiatry
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• v.12 no.1
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• pp.94-102
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• 2001

Bullying has recently become a serious social problem in Korean society. Bullying, which is defined as a phenomenon that one particular student is intensively and continuously harassed or ostracized by a group of students, is apt to produce harmful effects on bullies as well as victims. Bullying has many causes including those originated from the personality of victims and bullies. This study is designed to investigate the difference in personality trait between victims, bullies, victims/bullies, and neither. The subjects of this study were 215(115 male and 100 female) 6th-grade students in the primary school in Seoul. Questionnares were distributed to the students and their carers. The student carers were also asked to answer the questions for a survey called the Korean Personality Invertory for Children(KPI-C). SPSS was used for the statistical analysis of the collected test information；ANOVA, post hoc scheffe test, and T-test were used to analyze the differences between the tested groups. The result of the study is as follows. 1) The victims, bullies, victims/bullies and neither totaled respectively 11(5.1%), 56(26.0%), 11(5.1%) and 137(63.7%). 115 were male and 100 were female. 2) The frequency of victimized is as follows：1 time is 15(7.0%), 2 times is 4(1.9%) and more than 3 times is 3(1.4%). The frequency of bullying is as follows；1 time is 40(18.6%), 2 times is 17 (7.9%) and more than 3 times is 10(4.7%). 3) The differences between froups in KPI-C test is as follows. (1) The ESR(p=.00) scale was significantly lower in the victims group than in the neither group and the HPR(p=.00) scale and PSY(p<.01) scale were significantly higher in the former than in the latter. (2) The ESR(p=.00) scale was significantly lower in the victims/bullies group than in the neither group and the SOM(p=.00) scale and HPR(p=.00) scale were significantly higher in the formaer than in the latter. (3) The SOC(p=.00) scale, PSY(p<.01) scale and AUT(p=.00) scale were significantly higher in the victims group than in the bullies group. (4) There is statistically no difference between the bullies group and the neither group. To conclusion, Victims need to learn how to cope with harsh situations, or they will have to face difficulties in relationships. Even after they experience bullying, they may not realize why they have been bullied, or speak out for themselves.

• Proceedings of the KOR-BRONCHOESO Conference
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• 1981.05a
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• pp.5.3-6
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• 1981

There are too many kinds of esophageal corrosive agents, such as sodium hydrochloride, acetic acid, hydrochloric acid, etc. Esophageal burn due to above chemical agents are decreasing recently, but still many patients visited to the hospital because of swallowing corrosive agents for the purpose of suicide or accidentally. Among the treatment of corrosive injury of the esophagus, prevention of esophageal stricture is the key point. Recently various methods are using as the treatment of corrosive esophagitis and prevention of esophageal stricture. 51 cases of corrosive injury of the esophagus who had been admitted and treated at the Dept. of Otolaryngology, Han Yang University Hospital during past 9 years (from May 1972 to Dec. 1980) were evaluated and report the result about age distribution, sex incidence, monthly distribution, cause of swallowing, swallowing agents, arriving time at hospital after swallowing, changes on oral and pharyngeal mucosa, laboratory findings, emergency treatment and treatment during admission, treatment follow up results and complications with review of liter ature. Following results were obtained; 1. Female patients 27 cases (52.9%) were more than male patients 24 cases (47.1%) and its ratio was 1.13 : 1. 2. Age distribution showed predilection for age of 21-30 with 20 cases(39.2%), and 11-20 with 11 cases (21.6%), 31-40 with 7 cases(13.7%), over 50 with 7 cases (13.7%) were following. 3. Monthly distribution showed predilection for March with 8 cases(15.7%), and April, July with 7 cases (13.7%), September with 6 cases(l1.8%), October 5 cases(9.8%) were following. 4. For the purpose of suicide was the most cause of swallowing with 40 cases(78.4%), and accidentally swallowing 11 cases(21.6%). 5. Acetic acid was the most swallowing agent with 24 cases (47.0%), and hydrochloric acid 11 cases (21.5%), lye 8 cases(15.7%), iodine 2 cases(3.9%) were following. 6. Arriving time at the hospital after swallowing showed predilection for within 12 hours with 42 cases (82.4%), and from 12 hours to 24 hours with 4 cases(7.8%) was next. 7. Moderate change with injection and swelling was the prevalent change on oral and pharyngeal mucosa with 20 cases(39.2%) and severe cases with ulceration 18 cases (35.3%), mild cases with injection 10 cases (19.6%) were following. 8. Leukocytosis was seen on 40 cases (78.4%), and increased Hct. was seen 31 cases (60.8%). On urine analysis, 14 cases(27.5%) showed over 1.030 S.G., and proteinuria was seen on 25 cases(49.0%), glycosuria was seen on 5 cases(9.8%) and hematuria was seen on 6 cases(11.8). 9. Gastric lavage was done on 30 cases (58.8%) as emergency treatment and on 3 cases(5.9%) tracheostomy was done for the airway keeping. 10. As methods of treatment during admission, L-tube insertion was done on 50 cases (98.0%), antibiotics was given to 49 cases (96.1%), steroid and antacid were given to 46 cases(90.2%). 11. 36 cases(70.6%) were in favorable condition after proper treatment, but 2 cases (3.9%) were expired during admission, 4 cases (7.8%) showed esophageal stricture in-spite of treatment, and 1 case(2.0%) showed pyloric stenosis. 12. Complications were observed in 8 cases (17.7%). Renal failure (4 cases), aspiration pneumonia (2 cases), upper G-I bleeding (1 cases), and diabetic coma (1 cases) were seen in order of frequency.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.36
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• pp.227-266
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• 2020

The purpose of this paper is to review the representative Buddhist policies enforced during the reign of Gwanghaegun (光海君), the 15th king of the Joseon Dynasty, and the aspects of the Buddhist community affected by them. Through this, the influence and dynamism of Buddhism during the reign of Gwanghaegun will be revealed. Some of the findings will run contrary to what is popularly known about Joseon Buddhism and the policy of Sungyueokbul (崇儒抑佛), 'Revering Confucianism and Supressing Buddhism.' During the Joseon Dynasty, Neo-Confucianism was taken as an ideological background, and consequently, Buddhism was ostracized by the ruling class who advocated the exclusion of heretical views. This also characterized King Gwanghaegun's reign during the Mid-Joseon Dynasty. In reality though, the ruling class held mixed opinions about Buddhism, and this influenced the Buddhist community in the Gwanghaegun Period. The military might of Japan demonstrated during the Japanese Invasion of Korea in 1592, led the ruling class to recognize Buddhism, and as a result, the status of Buddhism rose to a certain extent. Based on its elevated status and the aftermath of the Japanese Invasion of Korea, the Buddhist community engaged in social welfare activities inspired by the notion of requiting favors, and the Buddhist community gained recognition for providing relief services. As a result, the number of monks increased, and the economic situation improved as land ownership was granted to temples and monks. This is the means by which the Japanese Invasion of Korea influenced the Buddhist policies of the Gwanghaegun Period and changed the religious topography of Buddhism. During the reign of King Gwanghaegun, the ruling class regarded Buddhism as heretical, but offered posthumous titles to monks who engaged in meritorious services during the Japanese invasions of 1592~1598. Favorable and/or preferential treatment was also granted to some Buddhist monks. In addition, monks began to perform labor projects that demanded organizational and physical strength, such as those which related to national defense and architecture. However, throughout the Gwanghaegun Period, the monks were paid a certain amount of compensation for their labor, and the monks' responsibility for labor increased. This can be understood as a partial reconciliation with Buddhism or an acceptance of Buddhism rather than the suppression of Buddhism often presented by historians. As for policies which affected Buddhism, the Buddhist community showed signs of cooperation with the ruling class, the creation and reconstruction of temples, and the production of Buddhist art. Through close ties with the ruling class, Buddhism during the Gwanghaegun Period saw the Buddhist community actively responded policies that impacted Buddhism, and this allowed their religious orders to be maintained. In this way, it was also confirmed that the monk, Buhyu Seonsu (浮休 善修) and his disciple Byeogam Gakseong (碧巖 覺性), took up leadership roles in their Buddhist community. The Buddhist-aimed policies of Gwanghaegun were implemented against the backdrop of the Buddhist community, wherein the ruling class held mixed opinions regarding Buddhism. As such, both improvements and set backs for Buddhism could be observed during that time period. The ruling class actively utilized the organizational power of Buddhism for national defense and civil engineering after the Japanese invasions of 1592~1598. Out of gratitude, they implemented appropriate compensation for the Buddhists involved. The Buddhist community also responded to policies that affected them through exchanges with the ruling class. They succeeded in securing funds and support to repair and produce Buddhist temples and artworks. A thoughtful inspection of the policies towards and responses to Buddhism during the Gwanghaegun Period, shows that Buddhism actually enjoyed considerable organizational power and influence. This flies in the face of the general description of Joseon Buddhism as "Sungyueokbul (revering Confucianism and supressing Buddhism)."

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.29
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• pp.71-100
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• 2017

This study focuses on examining 'the Supreme God and Celestial Worthy of the Ninth Heaven Who Spreads the Sound of the Thunder Corresponding to Primordial Origin', which Daesoon Jinrihoe believes in as the highest divinity. The name of this divinity was first found in Chinese Daoist scriptures. This study starts by considering the global propagation of virtue and then research connected to this topic. There are two alternative names for this divinity in relation to his human avatar, Kang Jeungsan, the subject of faith in Daesoon Jinrihoe. One is 'the Lord God of Great Creation in the Ninth Heaven' meaning the divinity before assuming a human avatar, and the other is 'the Celestial Worthy of Universal Transformation' the same divinity after he discarded his human avatar and returned to his celestial post. To understand how the belief system of Daesoon Jinrihoe differs from that of Daoism, it is necessary to study the divinity's change from being 'the Lord God of Great Creation in the Ninth Heaven' to becoming 'the Celestial Worthy of Universal Transformation'. If this distinction is not made clear, it brings about confusing arguments concerning the term 'Supreme God (Sangje)' as used in Daoism and Daesoon Jinrihoe. In order to offer a specific explanation, this study suggests three possible directions. The first hypothesis is that although these two names, 'the Celestial Worthy of the Ninth Heaven Who Spreads the Sound of the Thunder Corresponding to Primordial Origin' from Daoism and 'the Supreme God of the Ninth Heaven Who Spreads the Sound of the Thunder Corresponding to Primordial Origin' from Daesoon Jinrihoe, are similar, they actually have nothing to do with one another. The second hypothesis is that they are in fact the same divinity. Lastly, the third hypothesis is that they are closely connected, however, the former (the Celestial Worthy of the Ninth Heaven Who Spreads the Sound of the Thunder Corresponding to Primordial Origin) is a position needed to fulfill the mission of Jeungsan, whereas the latter (the Supreme God of the Ninth Heaven Who Spreads the Sound of the Thunder Corresponding to Primordial Origin) is a name received after the human avatar passes and the deity returns to the Noebu, 'the department of lightning'. These hypotheses face certain problems such as arbitrary mixing, the need for the theoretical clarity, and argumental weakness. Therefore, by leaving some unresolved questions, this study encourages future follow-up studies.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.97
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• pp.14-54
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• 2020

The overall study of Samsaebulhoedo (painting of the Assembly of Buddhas of Three Ages) at Yongjusa Temple has focused on dating it, analyzing the painting style, identifying its painter, and scrutinizing the related documents. However, its greater coherence could be achieved through additional support from empirical evidence and logical consistency. Recent studies on Samsaebulhoedo at Yongjusa Temple that postulate that the painting could have been produced by a monk-painter in the late nineteenth century and that an original version produced in 1790 could have been retouched by a painter in the 1920s using a Western painting style lack such empirical proof and logic. Although King Jeongjo's son was not yet installed as crown prince, the Samsaebulhoedo at Yongjusa Temple contained a conventional written prayer wishing for a long life for the king, queen, and crown prince: "May his majesty the King live long / May her majesty the Queen live long / May his highness the Crown Prince live long" (主上殿下壽萬歲, 王妃殿下壽萬歲, 世子邸下壽萬歲). Later, this phrase was erased using cinnabar and revised to include unusual content in an exceptional order: "May his majesty the King live long / May his highness the King's Affectionate Mother (Jagung) live long / May her majesty the Queen live long / May his highness the Crown Prince live long" (主上殿下壽萬歲, 慈宮邸下壽萬歲, 王妃殿下壽萬歲, 世子邸下壽萬歲). A comprehensive comparison of the formats and contents in written prayers found on late Joseon Buddhist paintings and a careful analysis of royal liturgy during the reign of King Jeongjo reveal Samsaebulhoedo at Yongjusa Temple to be an original version produced at the time of the founding of Yongjusa Temple in 1790. According to a comparative analysis of formats, iconography, styles, aesthetic sensibilities, and techniques found in Buddhist paintings and paintings by Joseon court painters from the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, Samsaebulhoedo at Yongjusa Temple bears features characteristic of paintings produced around 1790, which corresponds to the result of analysis on the written prayer. Buddhist paintings created up to the early eighteenth century show deities with their sizes determined by their religious status and a two-dimensional conceptual composition based on the traditional perspective of depicting close objects in the lower section and distant objects above. This Samsaebulhoedo, however, systematically places the Buddhist deities within a threedimensional space constructed by applying a linear perspective. Through the extensive employment of chiaroscuro as found in Western painting, it expresses white highlights and shadows, evoking a feeling that the magnificent world of the Buddhas of the Three Ages actually unfolds in front of viewers. Since the inner order of a linear perspective and the outer illusion of chiaroscuro shading are intimately related to each other, it is difficult to believe that the white highlights were a later addition. Moreover, the creative convergence of highly-developed Western painting style and techniques that is on display in this Samsaebulhoedo could only have been achieved by late-Joseon court painters working during the reign of King Jeongjo, including Kim Hongdo, Yi Myeong-gi, and Kim Deuksin. Deungun, the head monk of Yongjusa Temple, wrote Yongjusa sajeok (History of Yongjusa Temple) by compiling the historical records on the temple that had been transmitted since its founding. In Yongjusa sajeok, Deungun recorded that Kim Hongdo painted Samsaebulhoedo as if it were a historical fact. The Joseon royal court's official records, Ilseongnok (Daily Records of the Royal Court and Important Officials) and Suwonbu jiryeong deungnok (Suwon Construction Records), indicate that Kim Hongdo, Yi Myeong-gi, and Kim Deuksin all served as a supervisor (gamdong) for the production of Buddhist paintings. Since within Joseon's hierarchical administrative system it was considered improper to allow court painters of government position to create Buddhist paintings which had previously been produced by monk-painters, they were appointed as gamdong in name only to avoid a political liability. In reality, court painters were ordered to create Buddhist paintings. During their reigns, King Yeongjo and King Jeongjo summoned the literati painters Jo Yeongseok and Kang Sehwang to serve as gamdong for the production of royal portraits and requested that they paint these portraits as well. Thus, the boundary between the concept of supervision and that of painting occasionally blurred. Supervision did not completely preclude painting, and a gamdong could also serve as a painter. In this light, the historical records in Yongjusa sajeok are not inconsistent with those in Ilseongnok, Suwonbu jiryeong deungnok, and a prayer written by Hwang Deok-sun, which was found inside the canopy in Daeungjeon Hall at Yongjusa Temple. These records provided the same content in different forms as required for their purposes and according to the context. This approach to the Samsaebulhoedo at Yongjusa Temple will lead to a more coherent explanation of dating the painting, analyzing its style, identifying its painter, and interpreting the relevant documents based on empirical grounds and logical consistency.