• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.43
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• pp.81-113
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• 2008

As past paradigm discussion was restricted to the political issues and related antagonistic ideologies, there are desires to reignite discussion from the concrete theological practices and differences in methodological variations. Interactive Study does not require mere antithesis phase but requires interactive study creation as phase itself. The purpose of this study is to analyze quality methodology cases, and to provide basic data for the application of the methodology. For this purpose, current Journalism and Mass communication discussions will be examined and characteristics of quality study and traditional methodology types will be scrutinized. In further, researches in the scientific journals of Korean Association for Communication and Information Studies will be analyzed to point out trend of quality methodology. The scope of analysis includes theological background and methodology, sampling method, data collecting method, reliability analysis. Appliance of quality research method requires more rigid and detailed methodological discussions and applications.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.45
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• pp.49-76
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• 2009

The purpose of this essay explores a critical review of the critical communication studies and Journalism focused on the neoliberalism in Korea. The majority of social member in Korea does not know the concept of neoliberalism, and just recognize it as a 'global standard.' This essay is analyzing Korean journalism which causes this phenomenon primarily. Nonetheless, the critical communication studies was negligent in criticism on journalism. Any research paper in was not analyzed the connection between neoliberalism and journalism At last this essay proposed that the critical communication studies should establish their identity themselves to critically analyze the journalism trying to protect the neoliberalism in one way, and become more critical to the press itself to raise the relationship with journalism spot.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.43
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• pp.47-80
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• 2008

KACIS was established in 1988 for critical academic movement in communication area. For 20 years after establishment, KACIS has grown into major academic society. The purpose of this article is reflection on the history of KACIS for 20 years. For this, this article review three areas on KACIS. First, It examine how critical academic movement that was initiated in middle of 1980s was changed in gear with Korean Society's shift. Second, It turn around the activity of 'Korean study group for society and communication', the predecessor of KACIS, which operate during $1988{\sim}1998$. Third, it consider KACIS's activity after convert to association, during $1998{\sim}2008$. When look back to 20 years of KACIS, first of all, the biggest fruit is to extend critical communication in academic area. However, several controversies exist about KACIS's identity. Conclusively, this article emphasize, for further development, organizing organic academic conference about social pending issue, strengthening journal's identity, fostering future academic generation, vitalizing research divisions.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.59
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• pp.7-30
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• 2012

Lee Yeung-Hi is one of the most influential intellectuals in the modern history of Korea. Lee Yeung-Hi was evaluated as "the Teacher of thought" or "Culprit of consciousness" over the past half century in Korea. At the core of Lee Young-Hi's philosophy and idea is humanism, freedom of express and social responsibility of intellectuals. Lee Yeung-Hi lived lifelong journalists, journalism professors. But the study of Lee Yeung-Hi's media activities and media practice, 'Idea of Journalism' are insufficient. This paper has deeply studied the 'Idea of journalism' and 'Writing of social practise' of professor Lee.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.43
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• pp.7-46
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• 2008

The purpose of this essay explores a critical review of the Korean critical communication studies focused on the problematic of cultural studies and political economy in 2000s. The findings are as follows; The 'consumer turn' or 'audience turn' in new revisionism modelling John Fiske's cultural studies has been interpreted not to complement but to substitute the necessary criticism of the post-authoritarian media establishment of Korea at that time, arising identity crisis of Korean cultural studies as one of the critical camp. On other side, however, some political economy studies close to the unilinear theses of orthodox marxism has been appraised to neglect the complex process and structure of media and cultural production as well. While the press war between the market-dominant dailies and some progressive dailies has given rise to a whole debate as expected in consolidating period of Korean emerging democracy, the conjucturalism as modelled by Hall's 'authoritarian populism' failed to initiate a new theo tical practice in Korea. Finally, this review essay propose the some new research issues that would converge cultural studies and political economy, modernism and postmodernism; citizenship vs 'cultural citizenship'(valuing the private identity and gender) or Habermasian public sphere vs 'cultural public sphere', the culture of production, (modern)citizen/(postmodern)consumer(recently debated in English media policy), 'differentiation' in capitalist production and 'difference' in consumer sovereignty, 21c future vision of public service broadcasting as one of the 20c institutions.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.70
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• pp.165-188
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• 2015

This paper deals with the questions: Are media user's activities labour? Or rent? These questions have provoked a debate in the critical media studies and Marx's theory. But it is not a matter of choosing either labour or rent. Even if user's activities could contribute to valorization, it needs some mediating process. Media Platforms-Google, Facebook, etc.-play a key role, and have to employ other forms of labour. Labour in media platform produces some capital commodities. In view of media platform, Smythe's audience commodity can be considered as capital commodity. Assertion in this paper expected to provoke new debate on media platforms and its labourer.

• Korean Journal of Logic
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• v.6 no.1
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• pp.51-68
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• 2003

많은 논리학 교과서들은 정치 현장과 언론의 정치 비평에서 자주 쓰이는 사람에의 호소 논증을 오류로 소개하고 있다. 그러나 사람에 호소하고 있다는 형식을 갖추고 있더라도 논증의 주장이 그 사람 자신에 관한 것이라면 오류가 아니다. 또 그 논증이 이루어지고 있는 구체적인 맥락과 논증이 비판하고 있는 사람의 가치관 등을 모두 검토해서 오류인지 아닌지 평가해야 한다.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.17
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• pp.61-84
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• 2001

Discussions and debates over media education abound in Korra as the number of both institutions that provide media related education and students enrollment for these programs increases rapidly in recent years. In spite of this rather impressive expansion, however, many have raised serious questions about media education of Korea for its not being able to meet the need of the Industry and students, and, moreover, inability to face the challenges brought by new communication related technologies. Who teaches What for what purposes are some of the fundamental questions underlying these heated debates and discussions. To understand these rather complex and interrelated issues more clearly, it is attempted to delineate the nature of these debates by exploring the evolutionary process of media education. The issues related to debates over purposes of media education, curriculum, and faculty qualification have changed through the history of media education, but the nature of the debates, that is the struggle between professionalism and academism, or the tension between practice and theory, has not. Upon this understanding, some argue that what distinguishes opposing sets of dichotomies, such as skills vs. knowledge, training vs. education, now-how vs. know-why. professional vs. academic, practice vs. theory, is more a reflection of social class division and group interests which have privileged theory over practice than a rational scholastic distinction. In addition, it has been often pointed out that the media studies have failed to establish ties with specific industries, and furthermore academic studies seriously lack solid theoretical and practical bases. In the case of the United States, leaders of the industry had contributed much for the Initiation of journalism education in a college setting. However, once inaugurated,, the process of its evolution has depended heavily on academicians. In a country like Korea, where academic and theoretical orientation is much stronger, these problems of media studies and education are even more acute. In this study, it is suggested that academicians and educators be more open-hearted to the realities of changing world, practices of the industries, and recruitment of professionals and practitioners to fill the gap between practice and theory, for the sake of the future of media studies and education.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.63
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• pp.5-25
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• 2013

Korean society suffers from severe divisions represented by bi-polarization and collapse of the middle class. Intensive demanding on expanding social welfare budget has emerged in accordance with such a dramatic shift. Social consensus moving toward well-financed welfare policy, however, happens to meet political opposition supported by the discourse of fiscal soundness. This paper thus pays particular attention to deciphering the discursive structure in way of understanding how discourses bring public policy into play. For this purpose, news articles about fiscal soundness collected from 8 national newspapers have been analyzed in terms of frame, attitude, perspective and world view. Research results show, first of all, that there exist persistent competition between two frames identified as 'reduced tax with fiscal discipline' and 'increased tax with welfare money.' While the 'reduced tax' frame favors in maintaining tax cut at the expense of welfare budjet, the frame of 'increased tax' supports such arguments as the flexible employment of fiscal soundness and prosperity of national community helped by widening tax revenues. Also did these frames include a number of sub-frames like welfare populism, partisan politics, trickle down effect, tax bonanza for the rich, universal welfare and market over-reactions in order to bolster its logical authority. Media's active taking a part in penetrating supportive frames in line with political stance was found as well. Taking into account both the discursive structure upheld by frames and politics materialized by the media, the authors argue that public policies should be considered more as discourse than fixed reality. Shedding additional light on understanding the interplay among public opinion, policies and media discourse is of another importance for further study.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.81
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• pp.329-362
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• 2017

This study starts from the awareness that 'rebellious communication' is still being regulated in various ways even though 'rebellious communication' was declared unconstitutional in a decision by the Constitutional Court in 2002. The meaning of 'rebellious' has been amplified and transformed at various points through the censorship systems established during the Japanese colonial era, the US military period, and the regime of Park Jung-hee. In particular, 'rebellious communication' is regulated to protect 'national security' and 'social customs' from the perspective of power. This study analyzed discourses containing judgement about the Park Jung-geun case and the violation of the National Security Law using retweet accounts or posts related to North Korea. This study explores the genealogy of 'rebellious communication' based on its relationship to the characteristics of Twitter and specific individuals.