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A Study on the Forest Land System in the YI Dynasty (이조시대(李朝時代)의 임지제도(林地制度)에 관(關)한 연구(硏究))

  • Lee, Mahn Woo
    • Journal of Korean Society of Forest Science
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    • v.22 no.1
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    • pp.19-48
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    • 1974
  • Land was originally communized by a community in the primitive society of Korea, and in the age of the ancient society SAM KUK-SILLA, KOKURYOE and PAEK JE-it was distributed under the principle of land-nationalization. But by the occupation of the lands which were permitted to transmit from generation to generation as Royal Grant Lands and newly cleared lands, the private occupation had already begun to be formed. Thus the private ownership of land originated by chiefs of the tribes had a trend to be gradually pervaded to the communal members. After the, SILLA Kingdom unified SAM KUK in 668 A.D., JEONG JEON System and KWAN RYO JEON System, which were the distribution systems of farmlands originated from the TANG Dynasty in China, were enforced to established the basis of an absolute monarchy. Even in this age the forest area was jointly controlled and commonly used by village communities because of the abundance of area and stocked volume, and the private ownership of the forest land was prohibited by law under the influence of the TANG Dynasty system. Toward the end of the SILLA Dynasty, however, as its centralism become weak, the tendency of the private occupancy of farmland by influential persons was expanded, and at the same time the occupancy of the forest land by the aristocrats and Buddhist temples began to come out. In the ensuing KORYO Dynasty (519 to 1391 A.D.) JEON SI KWA System under the principle of land-nationalization was strengthened and the privilege of tax collection was transferred to the bureaucrats and the aristocrats as a means of material compensation for them. Taking this opportunity the influential persons began to expand their lands for the tax collection on a large scale. Therefore, about in the middle of 11th century the farmlands and the forest lands were annexed not only around the vicinity of the capital but also in the border area by influential persons. Toward the end of the KORYO Dynasty the royal families, the bureaucrats and the local lords all possessed manors and occupied the forest lands on a large scale as a part of their farmlands. In the KORYO Dynasty, where national economic foundation was based upon the lands, the disorder of the land system threatened the fall of the Dynasty and so the land reform carried out by General YI SEONG-GYE had led to the creation of ensuing YI Dynasty. All systems of the YI Dynasty were substantially adopted from those of the KORYO Dynasty and thereby KWA JEON System was enforced under the principle of land-nationalization, while the occupancy or the forest land was strictly prohibited, except the national or royal uses, by the forbidden item in KYEONG JE YUK JEON SOK JEON, one of codes provided by the successive kings in the YI Dynasty. Thus the basis of the forest land system through the YI Dynasty had been established, while the private forest area possessed by influential persons since the previous KORYO Dynasty was preserved continuously under the influence of their authorities. Therefore, this principle of the prohibition was nothing but a legal fiction for the security of sovereign powers. Consequently the private occupancy of the forest area was gradually enlarged and finally toward the end of YI Dynasty the privately possessed forest lands were to be officially authorized. The forest administration systems in the YI Dynasty are summarized as follows: a) KEUM SAN and BONG SAN. Under the principle of land-nationalization by a powerful centralism KWA JEON System was established at the beginning of the YI Dynasty and its government expropriated all the forests and prohibited strictly the private occupation. In order to maintain the dignity of the royal capital, the forests surounding capital areas were instituted as KEUM SAN (the reserved forests) and the well-stocked natural forest lands were chosen throughout the nation by the government as BONG SAN(national forests for timber production), where the government nominated SAN JIK(forest rangers) and gave them duties to protect and afforest the forests. This forest reservation system exacted statute labors from the people of mountainious districts and yet their commons of the forest were restricted rigidly. This consequently aroused their strong aversion against such forest reservation, therefore those forest lands were radically spoiled by them. To settle this difficult problem successive kings emphasized the preservation of the forests repeatedly, and in KYEONG KUK DAI JOEN, the written constitution of the YI Dynasty, a regulation for the forest preservation was provided but the desired results could not be obtained. Subsequently the split of bureaucrats with incessant feuds among politicians and scholars weakened the centralism and moreover, the foreign invasions since 1592 made the national land devasted and the rural communities impoverished. It happned that many wandering peasants from rural areas moved into the deep forest lands, where they cultivated burnt fields recklessly in the reserved forest resulting in the severe damage of the national forests. And it was inevitable for the government to increase the number of BONG SAN in order to solve the problem of the timber shortage. The increase of its number accelerated illegal and reckless cutting inevitably by the people living mountainuos districts and so the government issued excessive laws and ordinances to reserve the forests. In the middle of the 18th century the severe feuds among the politicians being brought under control, the excessive laws and ordinances were put in good order and the political situation became temporarily stabilized. But in spite of those endeavors evil habitudes of forest devastation, which had been inveterate since the KORYO Dynasty, continued to become greater in degree. After the conclusion of "the Treaty of KANG WHA with Japan" in 1876 western administration system began to be adopted, and thereafter through the promulgation of the Forest Law in 1908 the Imperial Forests were separated from the National Forests and the modern forest ownership system was fixed. b) KANG MU JANG. After the reorganization of the military system, attaching importance to the Royal Guard Corps, the founder of the YI Dynasty, TAI JO (1392 to 1398 A.D.) instituted the royal preserves-KANG MU JANG-to attain the purposes for military training and royal hunting, prohibiting strictly private hunting, felling and clearing by the rural inhabitants. Moreover, the tyrant, YEON SAN (1495 to 1506 A.D.), expanded widely the preserves at random and strengthened its prohibition, so KANG MU JANG had become the focus of the public antipathy. Since the invasion of Japanese in 1592, however, the innovation of military training methods had to be made because of the changes of arms and tactics, and the royal preserves were laid aside consequently and finally they had become the private forests of influential persons since 17th century. c) Forests for official use. All the forests for official use occupied by government officies since the KORYO Dynasty were expropriated by the YI Dynasty in 1392, and afterwards the forests were allotted on a fixed standard area to the government officies in need of firewoods, and as the forest resources became exhausted due to the depredated forest yield, each office gradually enlarged the allotted area. In the 17th century the national land had been almost devastated by the Japanese invasion and therefore each office was in the difficulty with severe deficit in revenue, thereafter waste lands and forest lands were allotted to government offices inorder to promote the land clearing and the increase in the collections of taxes. And an abuse of wide occupation of the forests by them was derived and there appeared a cause of disorder in the forest land system. So a provision prohibiting to allot the forests newly official use was enacted in 1672, nevertheless the government offices were trying to enlarge their occupied area by encroaching the boundary and this abuse continued up to the end of the YI Dynasty. d) Private forests. The government, at the bigninning of the YI Dynasty, expropriated the forests all over the country under the principle of prohibition of private occupancy of forest lands except for the national uses, while it could not expropriate completely all of the forest lands privately occupied and inherited successively by bureaucrats, and even local governors could not control them because of their strong influences. Accordingly the King, TAI JONG (1401 to 1418 A.D.), legislated the prohibition of private forest occupancy in his code, KYEONG JE YUK JEON (1413), and furthermore he repeatedly emphasized to observe the law. But The private occupancy of forest lands was not yet ceased up at the age of the King, SE JO (1455 to 1468 A.D.), so he prescribed the provision in KYEONG KUK DAI JEON (1474), an immutable law as a written constitution in the YI Dynasty: "Anyone who privately occupy the forest land shall be inflicted 80 floggings" and he prohibited the private possession of forest area even by princes and princesses. But, it seemed to be almost impossible for only one provsion in a code to obstruct the historical growing tendecy of private forest occupancy, for example, the King, SEONG JONG (1470 to 1494 A.D.), himself granted the forests to his royal families in defiance of the prohibition and thereafter such precedents were successively expanded, and besides, taking advantage of these facts, the influential persons openly acquired their private forest lands. After tyrannical rule of the King, YEON SAN (1945 to 1506 A.D.), the political disorder due to the splits to bureaucrats with successional feuds and the usurpations of thrones accelerated the private forest occupancy in all parts of the country, thus the forbidden clause on the private forest occupancy in the law had become merely a legal fiction since the establishment of the Dynasty. As above mentioned, after the invasion of Japanese in 1592, the courts of princes (KUNG BANGG) fell into the financial difficulties, and successive kings transferred the right of tax collection from fisherys and saltfarms to each KUNG BANG and at the same time they allotted the forest areas in attempt to promote the clearing. Availing themselves of this opportunity, royal families and bureaucrats intended to occupy the forests on large scale. Besides a privilege of free selection of grave yard, which had been conventionalized from the era of the KORYO Dynasty, created an abuse of occuping too wide area for grave yards in any forest at their random, so the King, TAI JONG, restricted the area of grave yard and homestead of each family. Under the policy of suppresion of Buddhism in the YI Dynasty a privilege of taxexemption for Buddhist temples was deprived and temple forests had to follow the same course as private forests did. In the middle of 18th century the King, YEONG JO (1725 to 1776 A.D.), took an impartial policy for political parties and promoted the spirit of observing laws by putting royal orders and regulations in good order excessively issued before, thus the confused political situation was saved, meanwhile the government officially permittd the private forest ownership which substantially had already been permitted tacitly and at the same time the private afforestation areas around the grave yards was authorized as private forests at least within YONG HO (a boundary of grave yard). Consequently by the enforcement of above mentioned policies the forbidden clause of private forest ownership which had been a basic principle of forest system in the YI Dynasty entireely remained as only a historical document. Under the rule of the King, SUN JO (1801 to 1834 A.D.), the political situation again got into confusion and as the result of the exploitation from farmers by bureaucrats, the extremely impoverished rural communities created successively wandering peasants who cleared burnt fields and deforested recklessly. In this way the devastation of forests come to the peak regardless of being private forests or national forests, moreover, the influential persons extorted private forests or reserved forests and their expansion of grave yards became also excessive. In 1894 a regulation was issued that the extorted private forests shall be returned to the initial propriators and besides taking wide area of the grave yards was prohibited. And after a reform of the administrative structure following western style, a modern forest possession system was prepared in 1908 by the forest law including a regulation of the return system of forest land ownership. At this point a forbidden clause of private occupancy of forest land got abolished which had been kept even in fictitious state since the foundation of the YI Dynasty. e) Common forests. As above mentioned, the forest system in the YI Dynasty was on the ground of public ownership principle but there was a high restriction to the forest profits of farmers according to the progressive private possession of forest area. And the farmers realized the necessity of possessing common forest. They organized village associations, SONGE or KEUM SONGE, to take the ownerless forests remained around the village as the common forest in opposition to influential persons and on the other hand, they prepared the self-punishment system for the common management of their forests. They made a contribution to the forest protection by preserving the common forests in the late YI Dynasty. It is generally known that the absolute monarchy expr opriates the widespread common forests all over the country in the process of chainging from thefeudal society to the capitalistic one. At this turning point in Korea, Japanese colonialists made public that the ratio of national and private forest lands was 8 to 2 in the late YI Dynasty, but this was merely a distorted statistics with the intention of rationalizing of their dispossession of forests from Korean owners, and they took advantage of dead forbidden clause on the private occupancy of forests for their colonization. They were pretending as if all forests had been in ownerless state, but, in truth, almost all the forest lands in the late YI Dynasty except national forests were in the state of private ownership or private occupancy regardless of their lawfulness.

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A Study on the Effect of Water Soluble Extractive upon Physical Properties of Wood (수용성(水溶性) 추출물(抽出物)이 목재(木材)의 물리적(物理的) 성질(性質)에 미치는 영향(影響))

  • Shim, Chong-Supp
    • Journal of the Korean Wood Science and Technology
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    • v.10 no.3
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    • pp.13-44
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    • 1982
  • 1. Since long time ago, it has been talked about that soaking wood into water for a long time would be profitable for the decreasing of defects such as checking, cupping and bow due to the undue-shrinking and swelling. There are, however, no any actual data providing this fact definitly, although there are some guesses that water soluble extractives might effect on this problem. On the other hand, this is a few work which has been done about the effect of water soluble extractives upon the some physical properties of wood and that it might be related to the above mentioned problem. If man does account for that whether soaking wood into water for a long time would be profitable for the decreasing of defects due to the undue-shrinking and swelling in comparison with unsoaking wood or not, it may bring a great contribution on the reasonable uses of wood. To account for the effect of water soluble extractives upon physical properties of wood, this study has been made at the wood technology laboratory, School of Forestry, Yale university, under competent guidance of Dr. F. F. Wangaard, with the following three different species which had been provided at the same laboratory. 1. Pinus strobus 2. Quercus borealis 3. Hymenaea courbaril 2. The physical properties investigated in this study are as follows. a. Equilibrium moisture content at different relative humidity conditions. b. Shrinkage value from gre condition to different relative humidity conditions and oven dry condition. c. Swelling value from oven dry condition to different relative humidity conditions. d. Specific gravity 3. In order to investigate the effect of water soluble extractives upon physical properties of wood, the experiment has been carried out with two differently treated specimens, that is, one has been treated into water and the other into sugar solution, and with controlled specimens. 4. The quantity of water soluble extractives of each species and the group of chemical compounds in the extracted liquid from each species have shown in Table 36. Between species, there is some difference in quantity of extractives and group of chemical compounds. 5. In the case of equilibrium moisture contents at different relative humidity condition, (a) Except the desorption case at 80% R. H. C. (Relative Humidity Condition), there is a definite line between untreated specimens and treated specimens that is, untreated specimens hold water more than treated specimens at the same R.H.C. (b) The specimens treated into sugar solution have shown almost the same tendency in results compared with the untreated specimens. (c) Between species, there is no any definite relation in equilibrium moisture content each other, however E. M. C. in heartwood of pine is lesser than in sapwood. This might cause from the difference of wood anatomical structure. 6. In the case of shrinkage, (a) The shrinkage value of the treated specimen into water is more than that of the untreated specimens, except anyone case of heartwood of pine at 80% R. H. C. (b) The shrinkage value of treated specimens in the sugar solution is less than that of the others and has almost the same tendency to the untreated specimens. It would mean that the penetration of some sugar into the wood can decrease the shrinkage value of wood. (c) Between species, the shrinkage value of heartwood of pine is less than sapwood of the same, shrinkage value of oak is the largest, Hymenaea is lesser than oak and more than pine. (d) Directional difference of shrinkage value through all species can also see as other all kind of species previously tested. (e) There is a definite relation in between the difference of shrinkage value of treated and untreated specimens and amount of extractives, that is, increasing extractives gives increasing the difference of shrinkage value between treated and untreated specimens. 7. In the case of swelling, (a) The swelling value of treated specimens is greater than that of the untreated specimens through all cases. (b) In comparison with the tangential direction and radial direction, the swelling value of tangential direction is larger than that of radial direction in the same species. (c) Between species, the largest one in swelling values is oak and the smallest pine heartwood, there are also a tendency that species which shrink more swell also more and, on the contrary, species which shrink lesser swell also lesser than the others. 8. In the case of specific gravity, (a) The specific gravity of the treated specimens is larger than that of untreated specimens. This reversed value between treated and untreated specimens has been resulted from the volume of specimen of oven dry condition. (b) Between species, there are differences, that is, the specific gravity of Hymenaea is the largest one and the sapwood of pine is the smallest. 9. Through this investigation, it has been concluded that soaking wood into plain water before use without any special consideration may bring more hastful results than unsoaking for use of wood. However soaking wood into the some specially provided solutions such as salt water or inorganic matter may be dissolved in it, can be profitable for the decreasing shrinkage and swelling, checking, shaking and bow etc. if soaking wood into plain water might bring the decreasing defects, it might come from even shrinking and swelling through all dimension.

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Studies on the Internal Changes and Germinability during the Period of Seed Maturation of Pinus koraiensis Sieb. et Zucc. (잣나무 종자(種字) 성숙과정(成熟過程)에 있어서의 내적변화(內的變化)와 발아력(發芽力)에 대(對)한 연구(硏究))

  • Min, Kyung-Hyun
    • Journal of Korean Society of Forest Science
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    • v.21 no.1
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    • pp.1-34
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    • 1974
  • The author intended to investigate external and internal changes in the cone structure, changes in water content, sugar, fat and protein during the period of seed maturation which bears a proper germinability. The experimental results can be summarized as in the following. 1. Male flowers 1) Pollen-mother cells occur as a mass from late in April to early in May, and form pollen tetrads through meiosis early and middle of May. Pollen with simple nucleus reach maturity late in May. 2) Stamen number of a male flower is almost same as the scale number of cone and is 69-102 stamens. One stamen includes 5800-7300 pollen. 3) The shape is round and elliptical, both of a pollen has air-sac with $80-91{\mu}$ in length, and has cuticlar exine and cellulose intine. 4) Pollen germinate in 68 hours at $25^{\circ}C$ with distilled water of pH 6.0, 2% sugar and 0.8% agar. 2. Female flowers 1) Ovuliferous scales grow rapidly in late April, and differentiation of ovules begins early in May. Embryo-sac-mother cells produce pollen tetrads through meiosis in the middle of May, and flower in late May. 2) The pollinated female flowers show repeated divisions of embryo-sac nucleus, and a great number of free nuclei form a mass for overwintering. Morphogenesis of isolation in the mass structure takes place from the middle of March, and that forms albuminous bodies of aivealus in early May. 3. Formation of pollinators and embryos. 1) Archegonia produce archegonial initial cells in the middle and late April, and pollinators are produced in the late April and late in early May. 2) After pollination, Oespore nuclei are seen to divide in the late May forming a layer of suspensor from the diaphragm in early June and in the middle of June. Thus this happens to show 4 pro-embryos. The organ of embryos begins to differentiate 1 pro-embryo and reachs perfect maturation in late August. 4. The growth of cones 1) In the year of flowering, strobiles grow during the period from the middle of June to the middle of July, and do not grow after the middle of August. Strobiles grow 1.6 times more in length 3.3 times short in diameter and about 22 times more weight than those of female flower in the year of flowering. 2) The cones at the adult stage grow 7 times longer in diameter, 12-15 times shorter diameter than those of strobiles after flowering. 3) Cone has 96-133 scales with the ratio of scale to be 69-80% and the length of cone is 11-13cm. Diameter is 5-8cm with 160-190g weight, and the seed number of it is 90-150 having empty seed ratio of 8-15%. 5. Formation of seed-coats 1) The layers of outer seed-coat become most for the width of $703{\mu}$ in the middle of July. At the adult stage of seed, it becomes $550-580{\mu}$ in size by decreasing moisture content. Then a horny and the cortical tissue of outer coats become differentiated. 2) The outer seed-coat of mature seeds forms epidermal cells of 3-4 layers and the stone cells of 16-21 layers. The interior part of it becomes parenchyma layer of 1 or 2 rows. 3) Inner seed-coat is formed 2 months earlier than the outer seed-coat in the middle of May, having the most width of inner seed-coat $667{\mu}$. At the adult stage it loses to $80-90{\mu}$. 6. Change in moisture content After pollination moisture content becomes gradually increased at the top in the early June and becomes markedly decreased in the middle of August. At the adult stage it shows 43~48% in cone, 23~25% in the outer seed-coat, 32~37% in the inner seed-coat, 23~26% in the inner seed-coat and endosperm and embryo, 21~24% in the embryo and endosperm, 36~40% in the embryos. 7. The content compositions of seed 1) Fat contents become gradually increased after the early May, at the adult stage it occupies 65~85% more fat than walnut and palm. Embryo includes 78.8% fat, and 57.0% fat in endosperm. 2) Sugar content after pollination becomes greatly increased as in the case of reducing sugar, while non-reducing sugar becomes increased in the early June. 3) Crude protein content becomes gradually increased after the early May, and at the adult stage it becomes 48.8%. Endosperm is made up with more protein than embryo. 8. The test of germination The collected optimum period of Pinus koraiensis seeds at an adequate maturity was collected in the early September, and used for the germination test of reduction-method and embryo culture. Seeds were taken at the interval of 7 days from the middle of July to the middle of September for the germination test at germination apparatus.

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A Survey on the Break-down and Repair of the Power Tillers in Korea (동력경운기(動力耕耘機) 이용실태(利用實態) 조사분석(調査分析)(II) -고장(故障) 및 수리(修理)에 관(關)하여-)

  • Hong, Jong Ho;Lee, Chai Shik
    • Journal of Biosystems Engineering
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    • v.6 no.1
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    • pp.28-38
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    • 1981
  • A survey has been conducted to investigate the presents of breaks down and repair of power tiller for efficient use. Eight provinces were covered for this study. The results are summarized as follows. A. Frequency of breaks down. 1) Power tiller was breaken down 9.05 times a year and it represents a break down every 39.1 hours of use. High frequency of breaks down was found from the fuel and ignition system. For only these system, the number of breaks down were 2.02 and it represents 23.3% among total breaks down. It was followed by attachments, cylinder system, and traction device. 2) For the power tiller which was more than six years old, breaks down accured 37.7 hours of use and every 38.6 hours for the power tiller which was purchased in less than 2 years. 3) For the kerosene engine power tiller, breaks down occured every 36.8 hours of use, which is a higher value compared with diesel engine power tiller which break down every 42.8 hours of use. The 8HP kerosene engine power tiller showed higher frequency of break down compared with any other horse power tiller. 4) In October, the lowest frequency of break down was found with the value of once for every 51.5 hours of use, and it was followed by the frequency of break down in June. The more hours of use, the less breaks down was found. E. Repair place 1) 45.3% among total breaks down of power tiller was repaired by the owner, and 54.7% was repaired at repair shop. More power tiller were repaired at repair shop than by owner of power tiller. 2) The older the power tiller is, the higher percentage of repairing at the repair shop was found compared with the repairing by the owner. 3) Higher percentage of repairing by the owner was found for the diesel engine power tiller compared with the kerosene engine power tiller. It was 10 HP power tiller for the kerosene power tiller and 8 HP for the diesel engine power tiller. 4) 66.7% among total breaks down of steering device was repaired by the owner. It was the highest value compared with the percentage of repairing of any other parts of power tiller. The lowest percentage of repairing by owner was found for the attachments to the power tiller with the value of 26.5%. C. Cause of break down 1) Among the total breaks down of power tiller, 57.2% is caused by the old parts of power tiller with the value of 5.18 times break down a year and 34.7% was caused by the poor maintenance and over loading. 2) For the power tiller which was purchased in less than two years, more breaks down were caused by poor maintenance in comparison to the old parts of power tiller. 3) For the both 8-10 HP kerosene and diesel engine power tiller, the aspects of breaks down was almost the same. But for the 5 HP power tiller, more breaks down was caused by over loading in comparison to the old parts of power tiller. 4) For the cylinder system and traction device, most of the breaks down was caused by the old parts and for the fuel and ignition system, breaks down was caused mainly by the poor maintenance. D. Repair Cost 1) For each power tiller, repair cost was 34,509 won a year and it was 97 won for one hoar operation. 2) Repair cost of kerosene engine power tiller was 40,697 won a year, and it use 28,320 won for a diesel engine power tiller. 3) Average repair cost for one hour operation of kerosene engine power tiller was 103 won, and 86 won for a diesel engine power tiller. No differences were found between the horse power of engines. 4) Annual repair cost of cylinder system was 13,036 won which is the highest one compared with the repair cost of any other parts 362 won a year was required to repair the steering device, and it was the least among repair cost of parts. 5) Average cost for repairing the power tiller one time was 3,183 won. It was 10,598 won for a cylinder system and 1,006 won for a steering device of power tiller. E. Time requirement for repairing by owner. 1) Average time requirements for repairing the break down of a power tiller by owner himself was 8.36 hours, power tiller could not be used for operation for 93.58 hours a year due to the break down. 2) 21.3 hours were required for repairing by owner himself the break down of a power tiller which was more than 6 years old. This value is the highest one compared with the repairing time of power tiller which were purchased in different years. Due to the break down of the power tiller, it could not be used for operation annually 127.13 hours. 3) 10.66 hours were required for repairing by the owner himself a break down of a diesel engine power tiller and 6.48 hours for kerosene engine power tiller could not be used annually 99.14 hours for operation due to the break down and it was 88.67 hour for the diesel engine power tiller. 4) For both diesel and kerosene engine power tiller 8 HP power tiller required the least time for repairing by owner himself a break down compared with any other horse power tiller. It was 2.78 hours for kerosene engine power tiller and 8.25 hours fur diesel engine power tiller. 5) For the cylinder system of power tiller 32.02 hours were required for repairing a break down by the owner himself. Power tiller could not be used 39.30 hours a year due to the break down of the cylinder system.

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A Study on Rationalization of National Forest Management in Korea (국유림경영(國有林經營)의 합리화(合理化)에 관(關)한 연구(硏究))

  • Choi, Kyu-Ryun
    • Journal of Korean Society of Forest Science
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    • v.20 no.1
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    • pp.1-44
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    • 1973
  • Needless to say, the management of national forest in all countries is very important in view of the national mission and management purposes. Korean national forest is also in particular significant in promoting national economy for the continuous increasing of the demand for wood, conservation of the land and social welfare. But there's no denying the fact that the leading aim of the Korean forest policy has been based upon the conservation of forest resources and recovery of land conservation function instead of improvement of the forest productive capacity. Therefore, the management of national forest should be aimed as an industry in the chain of the Korean national economy. And the increment of the forest productive capacity based on rationalized forest management is also urgently needed. Not only the increment of the timber production but also the establishment of the good forest in quality and quantity are to bring naturally many functions of conservation and other public benefits. In 1908 Korean national forest was historically established for the first time as a result of the notification for ownership, and was divided into two kinds in 1911-1924, such as indisposable national forest for land conservation, forest management, scientific research and public welfare, and the other national forest to be disposed. Indisposable forest is mostly under the jurisdiction of national forest stations (Chungbu, Tongbu, Nambu), and the tother national forests are under custody of respective cities and provinces, and under custody of the other government authorities. As of the end of 1971, national forest land is 19.5% (1,297,708 ha) of the total forest land area, but growing stock is 50.1% ($35,406,079m^3$) of the total forest growing stock, and timber production of national forest is 23.6% ($205,959m^3$) of the year production of total timber in Korea. Accordingly, it is the important fact that national forest occupies the major part of Korean forestry. The author positively affirms that success or failure of the management of national forest controls rise or fall of forestry in Korea. All functions of forest are very important, but among others the function of timber production is most important especially in Korea, that unavoidably imports a large quantity of foreign wood every year (in 1971 import of foreign wood-$3,756,000m^3$, 160,995,000 dollars). So, Korea urgently needs the improvement of forest productive capacity in national forest. But it is difficult that wood production meets the rapid increase of demand for wood to the development of economy, because production term of forestry is long, so national forest management should be rationalized by the effective investment and development of forestry techniques in the long view. Although Korean national forest business has many difficulties in the budget, techniques and the lack of labour due to outflow of rural village labour by development of national economy, and the increase of labour wages and administrative expenses etc. the development of national forest depends on adoption of the suitable forest techniques and management adapted for social and economical development. In this view point the writer has investigated and analyzed the status of the management of national forest in Korea to examine the irrational problems and suggest an improvement plan. The national forestry statistics cited in this study is based on the basic statistics and the statistics of the forest business as of the end of 1971 published by Office of Forestry, Republic of Korea, and the other depended on the data presented by the national forest stations. The writer wants to propose as follows (seemed to be helpful in improvement of Korean national forest management). 1) In the organization of national forest management, more national forest stations should be established to manage intensively, and the staff of working plan officials should be strengthened because of the importance of working plan. 2) By increasing the staff of protection officials, forest area assigned for each protection official should be decreased to 1,000-2,000 ha. 3) The frequent personnel changes of supervisor of national forest station(the responsible person on-the-spot) obstructs to accomplish the consistent management plan. 4) In the working plan drafting for national forest, basic investigations should be carefully practiced with sufficient expenditure and staff not to draft unreal working plan. 5) The area of working-unit should be decreased to less than 2,000 ha on the average for intensive management and the principle of a working-unit in a forest station should be realized as soon as possible. 6) Reforestation on open land should be completed in a short time with a debt of the special fund(a long term loan), and the land on which growing hardwood stands should be changed with conifers to increase productivity per unit area, and at the same time techical utilization method of hardwood should be developed. 7) Expenses of reforestation should be saved by mechanization and use of chemicals for reforestation and tree nursery operation providing against the lack of labour in future. 8) In forest protection, forest fire damage is enormous in comparison with foreign countries, accordingly prevention system and equipment should be improved, and also the minimum necessary budget should be counted up for establishment and manintenance of fire-lines. 9) Manufacture production should be enlarged to systematize protection, processing and circulation of forest business, and, by doing this, mich benefit is naturally given for rural people. 10) Establishment and arrangement of forest road networks and erosion control work are indispensable for the future development of national forest itself and local development. Therefore, these works should be promoted by the responsibility of general accounting instead of special accounting. 11) Mechanization of forest works should be realized for exploiting hinterlands to meet the demand for timber increased and for solving lack of labour, consequently it should promote import of forest machines, home production, training for operaters and careful adminitration. 12) Situation of labour in future will grow worse. Therefore, the countermeasure to maintain forest labourers and pay attention to public welfare facilities and works should be considered. 13) Although the condition of income and expenditure grows worse because of economical change, the regular expenditure should be fixed. So part of the surplus fund, as of the end of 1971, should be established for the fund, and used for enlarging reforestation and forest road networks(preceding investment in national forest).

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