• Title/Summary/Keyword: 불교 수행

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The way of Leehwang's understanding (이황의 '연비어약' 이해와 시적 구현)

  • Shin Yeon-Woo
    • Sijohaknonchong
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    • v.21
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    • pp.185-206
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    • 2004
  • We see the term in Tosan 12 songs and other poems by Leehwang. The term means 'Birds fly in the sky, Fish swim in the water.' It is important I think in that it is the point of contact between his poems and thought. There is a gap between original text of , [The way of mean (중용)] and Leehwang's understanding. It is same with Buddhism and Taoism as confucianism in the idea that we cannot describe the Ultimate into the human language. is the very confucian way of that. But Leewhang has the peculiar idea that it can't pass over the Moral state even though its meaning is over the human language.

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Songgye Na-sik's Literary World and it's Local Base (송계나식(松桂懶湜)의 문학 세계와 지역적 기반)

  • Kim, Jongjin
    • (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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    • no.62
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    • pp.9-35
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    • 2016
  • This study examined Songgye Na-sik's(松桂懶湜, 1684~1765) literary world based on Priest Songgye's Anthology(松桂大禪師文集). In consideration of the insufficiencies of the only previous study on Songgye's literature, this study was focused on his ideological character and its historicity, the trend of literary exchange in the Buddhist circle, and the literary geographical aspect of his literature. Priest Songgye was the head of the Bonghwa-sa Temple in Andong during the years under the rule of Kings Sukjong and Yeongjo, and learned from Hwanseong Ji-ahn(喚醒志安, 1664~1729) and Nakam Eui-nul(落巖義訥, 1666~1737). The priest did not have many students under him nor leave numerous writings. In the process of the development of the Buddhist doctrines in the late Joseon Dynasty, however, he completed the scripture learning courses faithfully and laid the ground of his philosophy. In addition, the afterword of Hwaeomgyeongchilcheogupumhoipummok (華嚴經七處九會品目跋) shows that he compiled the book under his teacher's instruction. What is more, he is known to have devoted himself to belief in the Pure Land in his late years. Given these backgrounds, the priest's life, writings, and ideological tendencies pursued all of Zen, Hwaeom, and the Pure Land together, and at the same time, reflected the characteristics of Korean Buddhism in the 18th century. The priest steadily cultivated himself in poetry and established his own literary world, and all the outcomes were fully reflected in his anthology. Priest Songgye walked the road of a learner throughout his lifetime but, on the other hand, he established his identity as a literary man in the specific time and space of Andong, Yeongnam in the late Joseon Dynasty.

Guanyin Faith in the Hangzhou Area during the Tang and Song Dynasties (당·송대 항주지역의 관음신앙)

  • Kim Sung-soon
    • Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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    • v.46
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    • pp.123-152
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    • 2023
  • This paper will examine how the Avalokitesvara faith of India was restructured into the doctrines and practices related to the Sinicized version of the deity as Guanyin (觀音) Bodhisattva. Particular focus will be given to the Hangzhou area of China, when the Guanyin faith was still in the process of gaining establishment in China. In the Hangzhou area, Buddhist Orders grew significantly due to the wealth accumulated from commerce using canals and maritime trade, and the Chan (禪 typically known as Zen in English) Orders were particularly active during the Song Dynasty. Zhiyi (智顗), a prominent master from the Tiantai Order (天台宗), based his activities out of Hangzhou. He composed the text known as the Commentary on the Guanyin Petitioning Sutra (Qingguanyinjing-shu 請觀音經疏) based on a reinterpretation of a scripture related to Guanyin, and he systematized the Guanyin Repentance Ritual (Guanyin-chanfa 觀音懺法) by combining the Doctrines of Tiantai with the Guanyin faith. In addition, Ciyin Zunshi (慈雲遵式) reformulated that Guanyin Repentance Ritual into the Guanyin Petitioning Repentance Ritual (qing-guanyin-chan 請觀音懺) to make it into a common ritual that was more accessible to everyday people. The book, Records Regarding the Personal Conduct of the Chan Master Zhijue (zhijue-chanshi-zixing-lu 智覺禪師自行錄), which is written by Yongming Yanshou (永明延壽), a figure from the Fayan Order (法眼宗), one of the Chan Buddhist orders in the Hangzhou area during the Northern Song Dynasty, reveals the acceptance of the Guanyin faith as a daily practice within the 108 daily rituals (108事). In Chinese Buddhism, there were historical examples of monks being worshipped as incarnations of Guanyin Bodhisattva. An example of this includes iconography depicting Baozhi (寶誌), a figure from Jiliang (濟涼) who lived during the Southern Dynasties, as Ekādaśamukha (十一面觀音, Eleven-faced Guanyin Bodhisattva) in keeping with the belief that he was an incarnation of that deity. Monks of the Tiantai and Chan orders operating in the Hangzhou area actively utilized the transmission of Buddhist tales about Guanyin Bodhisattva as related to monks that exhibited miraculous powers (神異僧). This can be understood as a phenomenon demonstrating how Song Buddhism tried to attract more believers through the popularity of the Guanyin Faith.

Evaluation of Permeability Characteristics of Yangsan Clay by Laboratory Tests (실내시험을 통한 양산점토의 투수특성 평가)

  • 김동휘;김진원;임형덕;김대규;이우진
    • Journal of the Korean Geotechnical Society
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    • v.17 no.4
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    • pp.249-257
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    • 2001
  • 본 논문에서는 경남 양산지역의 퇴적층에서 채취한 불교란 시료를 이용하여 표준압밀시험($IL_{CON}$)과 일정변형률(CRS, Constant Rates of Strain) 압밀시험을 수행한 후 각각의 시험결과를 분석하여 양산점토의 투수특성을 고찰하였다. 이를 위하여 투수계수와 간극비의 관계를 Kozeny(1927)와 Carman(1956) 이후 제안된 많은 연구결과와 비교, 검토하였으며, 시료를 연직방향으로 성형하여 CRS 시험을 수행한 후 횡방향투수계수를 산정하여 양산점토의 투수계수의 이방성을 살펴보았다. CRS시험 결과, 직접적으로 정상류를 발생시켜 누수계수를 측정하는 Rowe cell 시험에 비하여 상대적으로 투수계수의 이방성이 과소평가되는 경향을 보였다. 또한 현장 투수계수에 영향을 미치는 요소들을 살펴보고, 깊이에 따른 투수계수를 고찰하였다.다.

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Evaluation of Applicability of Dilatometer Dissipation Test Method for Estimating Horizontal Coefficient of Consolidation in Korean Soft Deposits (딜라토메터를 이용한 수평압밀계수 추정법의 국내 지반 적용성 평가)

  • 이승래;김영상;성주현
    • Journal of the Korean Geotechnical Society
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    • v.17 no.4
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    • pp.153-160
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    • 2001
  • 딜라토메터를 이용한 현장 수평압밀계수 추정법의 국내 점토지반 및 실트질 지반에의 적용성을 평가하기 위해 국내 점토지반과 실트지반에 대하여 각각 딜라토메터 관입시험 및 소산시험을 수행하였다. 소산시험 결과로부터 DMT-C법 [p$_2$-log t법과 C-√t법]과 DMT-A법을 이용하여 수평압밀계수를 추정하여 상호 비교하였으며 다른 실험방법에서 얻어진 결과들과도 함께 비교하고 평가하였다. 비교대상으로는 동일지반의 현장 피에조콘 소산시험으로 얻어진 수평압밀계수 및 불교란시료에 대하여 수행된 로셀압밀실험 및 일차원 실내압밀실험 결과가 함께 이용되었다. 연구결과 C-√t법을 제외한 p$_2$-log t법과 DMT-A법은 국내 점토지반에 대하여 상호일치하는 결과를 줄 뿐 아니라 피에조콘 결과와도 비교적 잘 일치하는 수평 압밀계수를 측정하였으며 다른 결과와 비교할 때 신뢰성 있는 결과를 주었다. 그러나 실트질 지반에 대하여는 p$_2$-log t법만이 적용 가능할 것으로 판단된다.

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소림역근경(少林易筋經)의 의료기공학적(醫療氣功學的) 접근(接近);관우$\ll$소림역근경(少林易筋經)$\gg$ 의료기공학적접근(醫療氣功學的接近)

  • Sa, Hui-Su;Song, Eun-Mi;Jeon, Hak-Su;Lee, Jun-Geun
    • Journal of the Korean Institute of Oriental Medical Informatics
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    • v.13 no.1
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    • pp.14-25
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    • 2007
  • 기공시유구역사전통적문화(氣功是悠久歷史傳統的文化), 해탈생로병사고통적수련법(解脫生老病死苦痛的修練法), 거병건신(祛病健身), 심신단련(心身鍛鍊), 수명장수적양생법(壽命長壽的養生法). "기공"("氣功") 취시행기공부(就是行氣功夫), 이수련수행(以修練修行), 예방정신화육체질병(豫防精神和肉體疾病), 건강신체(健康身體), 연년익수(延年益壽), 기공적수련방법(氣功的修練方法), 유수형태(有數形態), 육체화정신적건강(肉體和精神的健康), 시의료기공(是醫療氣功), 의료기공시검토점(醫療氣功是檢討點), 통과고대의서적정리(通過古代醫書的定理). 의료기공시다개형태변화(醫療氣功是多個形態變化), 불교전파화일기(佛敎傳播和一起), 불가기공취재일개문파불가수련활동중형성(佛家氣功就在一個門派佛家修練活動中形成). 불가기공시(佛家氣功是), 수행자소추구적(修行者所追究的), 유지건강육체적기공법(維持健康肉體的氣功法). 의료기공적모습화구도적모습(醫療氣功的模襲和求道的模襲), 시혼합형태(是混合形態). 현재(現在) 불가기공지원류(佛家氣功之原流) 가이설시소림역근경(可以說是少林易筋經). 저본논고취시이의료기공적관점래접근소림역근경(這本論考就是以醫療氣功的觀點來接近少林易筋經).

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Transforming the Wongaksa Bell[Buddhist Bell] to the Bosingak Bell[Court Bell]: An Example of the Debuddhismization during the Joseon Dynasty (원각사종(圓覺寺鐘)에서 보신각종(普信閣鍾)으로 -조선시대 탈불교화의 일례-)

  • Nam Dongsin
    • MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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    • v.104
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    • pp.102-142
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    • 2023
  • The Bronze Bell of Wongaksa Temple, also known as the Bosingak Bell, was produced in 1468 during the reign of King Sejo for dedication at Wongaksa Temple in the middle of the capital Hanyang in celebration of the tenth anniversary of his accession to the throne. It is currently heavily damaged and cannot be struck. This paper focuses on the man-made damage inflicted on the Bosingak Bell and explores when, why, and by whom the bell was damaged along with the historical significance of this damage. In the first section, the relevant literature is reviewed and the problems concerned, research perspective, and methodology are presented. The history of related theories is investigated focusing on the relationship between Bosingak Bell and Wongaksa Bell. The perspective that Bosingak Bell and Wongaksa Bell are the same is introduced. My discussion will be developed from this perspective. In the second section, the background to King Sejo's construction of Wongaksa Bell is examined. Specifically, the bells commissioned by the kings of the early Joseon era are divided into court bells (jojong) and Buddhist bells (beomjong). They total four court bells and three Buddhist bells. The former are the Jongnu Tower Bell commissioned by King Taejo, Donhwamun Gate Bell by King Taejong, Gwanghwamun Gate Bell by King Sejong, and Sajeongjeon Hall Bell by King Sejo. The latter are the bells of Yongmunsa, Heungcheonsa (or Jeongneungsa) and Wongaksa Temples, all of which were made during the reign of King Sejo. Sejo also made Wongaksa Bell and gave it the meaning that the monarch and the Buddha both wish to enlighten the people through the sound of the bells. In the third section, traces of the man-made damage done to Bosingak Bell are closely examined. By observing the current condition of Bosingak Bell and comparing it with the contemporaneous Heungcheongsa Bell (1462) and Bongseonsa Bell (1469), the components of Bosingak Bell that were damaged can be identified. The damaged parts are again divided into Buddhist elements and non-Buddhist elements. The former includes the reversed lotus petals on the shoulder band, four standing bodhisattvas, and the inscription of the bell composed by Choe Hang. The latter includes lists of chief supervisors (dojejo). I describe the phenomenon of deliberately damaging Buddhist elements on bells as "effacement of Buddhism," meaning Buddhist images and inscriptions are eliminated, and I note the prevailing rejection of Buddhism theory among Neo-Confucianists as its ideological root. The erasure of non-Buddhist images was probably caused by political conflicts such as Yeonsangun's purge in 1504. Since both ideological and political factors played a role in the changes made to Bosingak Bell, the damage was possibly done between the Purge of 1504 and the abdication of Yeonsangun in 1506. Chapter four traces the transformation of the Buddhist bell of Wongaksa Temple into the Bosingak court bell. Finally completed in 1468, the Wongaksa Bell only served its role as a Buddhist bell at related services for a relatively brief period of 36 years (until 1504). Wongaksa Temple was closed down and the bell lost its Buddhist function. In 1536, it was moved from Wongaksa Temple to Namdaemun Gate, where it remained silent for the next 90 years until it was struck again in November 1594. However, after the destruction of the Jongnu Bell in a fire during the Japanese Invasions of Korea (1592-1598), the Buddhist bell from Wongaksa Temple became a court bell. The Wongaksa Temple bell was relocated to Jongnu Tower in 1619, traveling through Myeongdong Pass. From then on, as the official Jongnu Bell (later renamed Bosingak Bell), it was regularly rung at dawn and dusk every day for nearly 300 years until 1908, when Japanese authorities halted the ritual. The transformation of the Wongaksa Bell (a Buddhist bell) to Bosingak Bell (a court bell) means that the voice of the Buddha was changed to the voice of the king. The concept of "effacement of Buddhism," evident in the transformation of Wongaksa Bell to Bosingak Bell, was practiced widely on almost every manifestation of Buddhism throughout the Joseon period. In short, the damage evident in Bosingak Bell underscores the debuddhismization in Korean society during the Joseon Dynasty.

Experimental Investigation of Seepage Properties on Weathered Residual Soils (풍화토의 침투 특성에 대한 실험적 고찰)

  • 권형민;김창엽;박영호;정충기;김명모
    • Journal of the Korean Geotechnical Society
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    • v.20 no.1
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    • pp.75-82
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    • 2004
  • To evaluate the characteristics of permeability in weathered residual soil, flexible wall permeameter tests are performed using undisturbed samples. The Influence of hydraulic gradient and confining pressure on the permeability of weathered residual soil is analyzed. To compare the characteristics of permeability between weathered soil and sand, similar tests are performed using Jumoonjin sand. Also, piping model tests are performed to investigate the piping resistance of weathered residual soil. As a result, weathered residual soil shows very dependable permeability on hydraulic gradient and very large resisting ability against piping compared with sand.

Soil Property of Coastal Soft Ground Considering Geological Property (지질학적 특성을 고려한 해안연약지반의 토질특성)

  • 송무영;김팔규;김연천;류권일
    • The Journal of Engineering Geology
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    • v.7 no.3
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    • pp.217-227
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    • 1997
  • The purpose of this study is to analyze the correlation of soil properties in coastal soft ground. For the purpose of this study, several coastal soft ground areas were selected. Many large scale construction works are being executed and will increase continuously in these soft ground areas. So, soil property in these areas is very important. The grounds forming coastal areas are affected by seawater movement. So, most of these areas consist of alluvium stratum. Therefore, soil properties of eastern and southern coastal areas are very complex. Many laboratory tests were executed with disturbed and undisturbed soil samples. Undisturbed samples were taken by using thin walled tubes and transported into the laboratory with caution, so as not to disturb the sample. The consistent rate of fine-grained content in these areas is over 90%. Also, these areas contain higher water content and clay content. Therefore, knowing these soil properties, it is possible to safely design fabrics and constructions.

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A Study ont the Kasaya in relation to Buddhist Thought (불교사상을 중심으로 살펴본 가사)

  • Kim, Kyung-Sook;An, Myung-Sook
    • Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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    • v.46
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    • pp.17-30
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    • 1999
  • The purpose of this study is to investigate the philosophy behind the Kasaya and its evolution through its clothing material colour structure and sewing. According to the study the results were as follows. 1. The philosophy behind the dressing of the Kasaya can be found in the Therefore wearing the Kasaya symbolizes the Buddhist philosophy of Jat'ailshisongbul ("Simultaneous attaining of Buddhahood for Everyone") 2. The material symbolizes endurance and contentiment by being satisfied with any kind of clothes may they be good or bad. The material of the kasaya comes to signify the harmony among the monk's community 3. The Kasaya uses peculiar colours and the prohibits the use of the five primary and seconary colous. This is to symbolize equality wherein there is no distinction between the noble and the mean. 4. The structure of the Kasaya according the takes the form of a field The Jo is cut lengthwise and divided in nine grades following the Mahayana tradition as written in the This idea reflects the philosophy of salvation of the Pure land thought. The Je has many Jang('long') and fex Dan('short') The meaning of this is that all living beings by self-cultivation can overcome the dirty law of the secular world and follow the way of the sage who have attained their Buddha nature. 5. With respect to the sewing after finishin the sewing the Jang and the Dan are combined together representing the interdependence between the holy person and the common person. Therefore the sewing ssymbolizes the interconnection among all living beings as it arise from the "conditional causation" law. As I have shown above the philosophy behind of the Kasaya developed and was enriched as it cross over China from India to the Original Buddhist thought with which was created in India was added the richness of the Mahayana buddhist thought. As I have shown above the philosophy behind of the Kasaya developed and was enriched as it cross over China from India to the Original Buddhist thought with which was created in India was added the richness of the Nahayana Buddhist thought with which was created in India was added the richness of the Mahayana buddhist thought. As a result the Dasaya came to signify the "field image". The field-image symbolized by the kasaya came to signify the "heart-field" of all living beings. The "heart-field" by its cultivation is field with blessings. Therefore from the sanghati the Nine Grade the evolution and changes in the designs of the kasaya through the different periods of history became clearly an expression how it is possible for anybody to attend the Buddha nature. This changes also show how the Buddhist precepts became reformed from the original Buddhism.ecepts became reformed from the original Buddhism.

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