• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.52 no.3
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• pp.222-239
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• 2019

This paper studied Joseon royal incense, Buyonghyang, focusing on the case of Sunjo Sunwonwanghoo Garyedogam Uigwe. Incense was introduced to Korea in the period of the Three States with Buddhist cultures. Buyonghyang is an incense that represented the royal family and was used in various rituals. Civilians also burned this incense in front of a bride's palanquin at a wedding ceremony. Buyonghyang had various uses-ceremonial uses, as a fragrance, to mothproof, and medical uses. Buyonghyang is a combined incense with ten different ingredients. This study tracked the supply and demand of the incense ingredients through Takjijunjeol, Sejong Shilok Jiriji, and The Annals of the Joseon Dynasty. This paper identified properties of the ingredients and studied recipes using ancient medical books-Jejungshinpyeon, Donguibogam, etc. Then the cooperation and treatment of incense by craftsman were examined using the records of The Annals of the Joseon Dynasty, and Seungjeongwon Ilgi. The significance of Buyonghyang during the Joseon dynasty was studied by examining its use at a royal wedding ceremony. This study considered Sunjo's wedding ceremony based on Sunjo Sunwonwanghoo Garyedogam Uigwe which is highly regarded as a well-organized system compared to other Uigwe. Buronghyang was burned during all of the ceremonies which took place in the palace. Conversely, it is considered that Buyonghyang was burned only during the Bisuchekui ceremony (investiture), which took place in the bride's place, according to the record of the mobilization of court ladies for various incense burners for the Bisuchekui ceremony. Since the incense was able to be used only after Bisuchekui, it is considered that only the royal family could use the incense, and it was a symbolic incense of the Joseon Royal Family.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.41 no.1
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• pp.57-78
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• 2008

According to the previous studies about Shilla's cremate grave, in the process of importing the cremate grave, there has been correlation with Chinese Buddhism, and there have been a lot of mentions about the change of the grave, Yinwha(Stamp) patterns and its existence, and about the characteristics of the vessels to contain the bones. The cremate grave is categorized into two-parts type and mono-type, depending on the dead person. The cremate graves that are in local areas such as Wang-Gyeong, show difference in types. The typical vessel to contain the bones, called "Yeongyeol Gori Yoogaeho" is again proved to have existed from A.D 8c. ~ A.D 9c., judging from the Yinwha pattern stamp's existence. Yet, the Yeongyeol Gori Yoogaeho from 9th century used the patternless pottery, also seen from the Won-wha 10 yeon-myeong cremate grave. Due to the prosperity of Buddhism, when the "Mukuchonggwang Taranikyong(Sutra)", translated into Han language in 704 at Dang, was imported into Shilla, the funeral ceremonies of Shilla people changed from making cremate graves with vessels or scattering the bones in oceans, into building stupas in temples with hopes and wishes to bring oneself and family's fortune and the next life of the dead. As a result, the meaning of "Grave" disappeared for the cremate graves, and rather the ceremony changed into scattering bones and wishing fortunes for the dead person. In other words, the ancestor-worship ceremony which was focused on the tomb changed into commemorating the ancestors and wishing individual fortunes by the religious assembly in temples and the building process of stupas. In conclusion, this social change was the cause of the extinction of stone chamber with tunnel entrance and the tombs such as cremate grave.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.46
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• pp.123-152
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• 2023

This paper will examine how the Avalokitesvara faith of India was restructured into the doctrines and practices related to the Sinicized version of the deity as Guanyin (觀音) Bodhisattva. Particular focus will be given to the Hangzhou area of China, when the Guanyin faith was still in the process of gaining establishment in China. In the Hangzhou area, Buddhist Orders grew significantly due to the wealth accumulated from commerce using canals and maritime trade, and the Chan (禪 typically known as Zen in English) Orders were particularly active during the Song Dynasty. Zhiyi (智顗), a prominent master from the Tiantai Order (天台宗), based his activities out of Hangzhou. He composed the text known as the Commentary on the Guanyin Petitioning Sutra (Qingguanyinjing-shu 請觀音經疏) based on a reinterpretation of a scripture related to Guanyin, and he systematized the Guanyin Repentance Ritual (Guanyin-chanfa 觀音懺法) by combining the Doctrines of Tiantai with the Guanyin faith. In addition, Ciyin Zunshi (慈雲遵式) reformulated that Guanyin Repentance Ritual into the Guanyin Petitioning Repentance Ritual (qing-guanyin-chan 請觀音懺) to make it into a common ritual that was more accessible to everyday people. The book, Records Regarding the Personal Conduct of the Chan Master Zhijue (zhijue-chanshi-zixing-lu 智覺禪師自行錄), which is written by Yongming Yanshou (永明延壽), a figure from the Fayan Order (法眼宗), one of the Chan Buddhist orders in the Hangzhou area during the Northern Song Dynasty, reveals the acceptance of the Guanyin faith as a daily practice within the 108 daily rituals (108事). In Chinese Buddhism, there were historical examples of monks being worshipped as incarnations of Guanyin Bodhisattva. An example of this includes iconography depicting Baozhi (寶誌), a figure from Jiliang (濟涼) who lived during the Southern Dynasties, as Ekādaśamukha (十一面觀音, Eleven-faced Guanyin Bodhisattva) in keeping with the belief that he was an incarnation of that deity. Monks of the Tiantai and Chan orders operating in the Hangzhou area actively utilized the transmission of Buddhist tales about Guanyin Bodhisattva as related to monks that exhibited miraculous powers (神異僧). This can be understood as a phenomenon demonstrating how Song Buddhism tried to attract more believers through the popularity of the Guanyin Faith.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.34
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• pp.277-313
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• 2017

This study is to find out the correlation with buddhist music after analyzing the rhythm of six pieces of PanYeombul sung by Kim Janggil out of Ogu exorcism of East coast the findings summarized are as follows. First, PanYeombul by Kim Janggil, performed on Oct, 16, 2016, was composed of , , , , , , , , , , and . Still, even if PanYeombul is performed by the same male shaman, the composition can be added or left out depending on some circumstances, which means the procedures are flexible. Seeing that there is common component of in additoin to compared with Kimyongtaek, it can be said that the component of is an important part in PanYeombul of Ogu exorcism of East coast Second, is usually referred to 'SinmyojangguDaedalani' in buddhist ritual, While Kim yongtaek accepts this practice in title, Kim Janggil uses 'YeomhwajangguDaedalani' as the title which makes his song different from others. Yeomhwa means "picking up flowers with fingers" which has been used in buddhism, not in common Considering this fact, the conclusion can be reached that by using the term 'Daedalani' from a buddhist chant, but making differentiation from buddhism, Kim Janggil is making the effort to be different from buddhist rituals. give some unique meaning to shaman rituals. Third, PanYeombul of Ogu exorcism of East coast may be divided into two main parts - the former part is PanYeombul and the latter part is Jiokga. In performing PanYeombul, male shaman sits singing alone and playing Jing himself, on the other hand, in case of Jiokga, he stands singing a solo with gwaeggwari in his hand accompanied by other musicians with the rhythm of Samgongjaebi. As the song and the accompaniment are in the form of giving and taking like duet. it is in peak in terms of music. Accordingly, PanYeombul can be divided into PanYeombul and Jiokga, But since it is performed by one male shaman and sung a solo, it is usually seen as one procedure. Jing, which is a kind of accompaniment in PanYeombul by Kim Janggil, has the role to distinguish a phrase and settle the musical paragraph. When the buddhist chant with one word-one note is performed. it requires the performer to catch his or her breath or clear throat. Just then, Jing comes out for filling out the intervals. Also, its role to distinguish a phrase and settle the musical paragraph helps make it clear to deliver words. The rhythm of Jing is mostly made up of small triple time except equal small binary time, comes out with overwhelmingly more frequency of Sutsoe(♪♩) than Amsoe(♩♪), and often shows syncopation. By often using Off Beat or short-long rhythm even in accompaniment of equal small binary time, he tris to give some variation to monotonous and equal rhythm for the musical vitality. These are similar to Sutsoe rhythm which can evoke tension and Kim Janggil makes these things his characierisiic of rhythm. Fifth, all the pieces consist of mi, sol, la, do, re and the descending melody like do'${\searrow}$la${\searrow}$sol${\searrow}$mi appears most frequently. The descending melody usually arouses the feeling of sorrow, so the sadness for the deceased is presented properly, which suggests his musical talent. Generally, pieces take on Menari-tori as a whole where the length of sol appears for a short time in descending la${\searrow}$sol${\searrow}$mi of perfect four degrees. Sixth, Even he accepts the lines of buddhist chant, he changes them in some degree. For example, he inserted some words between lines like 'Wonwangsaeng' and 'NamuAmitabul' and added Korean words like hapsosa to the lines of buddhist service written in Chinese character. Also, he inserted some words like 'iiiiiii~' to express the feeling of sadness. These are to maximize the desire of the deceased to go to the heaven and at the same time to diminish the sign of buddhism and strengthen the features of shamanism. Seventh, the effort to decrease the sign of buddhism is made in pasting lines of two songs. For example, Between the last words 'Wonsuaenapsu of Dage and the first words 'Jisimgwimyeongrye' of Chiljeongrye, there is usually a short pause to distinguish paragraphs, But he continues two songs without any pause to get rid of the feelings of buddhist chant. In terms of melody, he makes a distance from buddhist chant in an effort that he gives some traits to shaman rituals which are different from buddhist even if he uses the lines of buddhist rituals. Eighth, the analyzed pieces can be in four categories - no regular melody , , equal small binary time , eotmori melody of ten eighth time with 3+2+3+2 mixed small time . and Samgongjaebi melody 3+2+3 mixed small time . Each piece has its unique melody. Although of buddhist ritual is often performed, by using eotmori melody, he evokes the feeling of shaman and is another example of giving unique characteristic to the shaman of East coast by using Samgongjaebi melody.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.100
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• pp.140-170
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• 2021

This paper investigates the Wooden Seated Tri-kaya Buddha Images(三身佛像) of Vairocana, Rushana, and Sakyamuni enshrined in Daeungjeon Hall of Hwaeomsa temple(華嚴寺) in Gurae, South Cheolla Province. They were produced in 1634 CE and placed in 1635 CE, about forty years after original images made in the Goryeo period were destroyed by the Japanese army during the war. The reconstruction of Hwaeomsa was conducted by Gakseong, one of the leading monks of Joseon Dynasty in the 17th century, who also conducted the reconstructions of many Buddhist temples after the war. In 2015, a prayer text (dated 1635) concerning the production of Hwaeomsa Tri-kaya Buddha images was found in the repository within Sakyamuni Buddha. It lists the names of participants, including royal family members (i.e., prince Yi Guang, the eighth son of King Seon-jo), and their relatives (i.e., Sin Ik-seong, son-in-law of King Seonjo), court ladies, monk-sculptors, and large numbers of monks and laymen Buddhists. A prayer text (dated 1634) listing the names of monk-sculptors written on the wooden panel inside the pedestal of Rushana Buddha was also found. A recent investigation into the repository within Rushana Buddha in 2020 CE has revealed a prayer text listing participants producing these images, similar to the former one from Sakyamuni Buddha, together with sacred relics of hoo-ryeong-tong copper bottle and a large quantity of Sutra books. These new materials opened a way to understand Hwaeomsa Trikaya images, including who made them and when they were made. The two above-mentioned prayer texts from the repository of Sakyamuni and Rushana Buddha statues, and the wooden panel inside the pedestal of Rushan Buddha tell us that eighteen monk-sculptors, including Eungwon, Cheongheon and Ingyun, who were well-known monk artisans of the 17th century, took part in the construction of these images. As a matter of fact, Cheongheon belonged to a different workshop from Eungwon and Ingyun, who were most likely teacher and disciple or senior and junior colleagues, which means that the production of Hwaeomsa Tri-kaya Buddha images was a collaboration between sculptors from two workshops. Eungwon and Ingyun seem to have belonged to the same community studying under the great Buddhist priest Seonsu, the teacher of Monk Gakseong who was in charge of the reconstruction of Haweonsa temple. Hwaeomsa Tri-kaya Buddha images show a big head, a squarish face with plump cheeks, narrow and drooping shoulders, and a short waist, which depict significant differences in body proportion to those of other Buddha statues of the first half of 17th century, which typically have wide shoulders and long waists. The body proportion shown in the Hwaeomsa images could be linked with images of late Goryeo and early Joseon period. Rushana Buddha, raising his two arms in a preaching hand gesture and wearing a crown and bracelets, shows unique iconography of the Bodhisattva form. This iconography of Rushana Buddha had appeared in a few Sutra paintings of Northern Song and Late Goryeo period of 13th and 14th century. BodhaSri-mudra of Vairocana Buddha, unlike the general type of BodhaSri-mudra that shows the right hand holding the left index finger, places his right hand upon the left hand in a fist. It is similar to that of Vairocana images of Northern and Southern Song, whose left hand is placed on the top of right hand in a fist. This type of mudra was most likely introduced during the Goryeo period. The dried lacquer Seated Vairocana image of Bulheosa Temple in Naju is datable to late Goryeo period, and exhibits similar forms of the mudra. Hwaeomsa Tri-kaya Buddha images also show new iconographic aspects, as well as traditional stylistic and iconographic features. The earth-touching (bhumisparsa) mudra of Sakymuni Buddha, putting his left thumb close to the middle finger, as if to make a preaching mudra, can be regarded as a new aspect that was influenced by the Sutra illustrations of the Ming dynasty, which were imported by the royal court of Joseon dynasty and most likely had an impact on Joseon Buddhist art from the 15th and 16th centuries. Stylistic and iconographical features of Hwaeomsa Tri-kaya Buddha images indicate that the traditional aspects of Goryeo period and new iconography of Joseon period are rendered together, side by side, in these sculptures. The coexistence of old and new aspects in one set of images could indicate that monk sculptors tried to find a new way to produce Hwaeomsa images based on the old traditional style of Goryeo period when the original Tri-kaya Buddha images were made, although some new iconography popular in Joseon period was also employed in the images. It is also probable that monk sculptors of Hwaeomsa Tri-kaya Buddha images intended to reconstruct these images following the original images of Goryeo period, which was recollected by surviving monks at Hwaeomsa, who had witnessed the original Tri-kaya Buddha images.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.38
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• pp.223-284
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• 2005

Gwaebul, created during late Joseon dynasty, especially from 1885 to 1926, now exist 18 ones. And 12 of them are owned by Buddhist temples located in Seoul city and Gyeonggido province. Royal Tomb praised and Royal household praised Buddhist temples in early Joseon dynasty were supported by Royal Family. As a renovation of Buddhist temples by king Taejong's reign(1400-1418), they became impoverished with reduced Buddhist ceremony. But they maintained their lives in intimate connection with royal family, and went prosperous from late 18th century. At that times, a new trend in Gwaebul appeared, which have popular idea for wishing peace of the dead, the nation and the royal family. The new composition of painting expressed in Gwaebul starts in Amitabha-Triad paintings which carved in first volume of ${\ll}$Amita-yohaegyeong${\gg}$ made of wooden plate. And Gi-heoh(A.D. 1820-1872) carved it in 1853 at Naewonam Buddhist hermitage of Samgaksan mountain And a return of Suwolgwaneumdo which had been popularized in late Goryo dynasty is worth noticing as a new issue of late Joseon dynasty. It is related with a composition of Gwaebul that expressed 'a leading the dead to the good', a Buddhist consciousness of falsehood and fancy. The saturated and blurred style of painting, the fact that centralization-powered lineage of painter who used composition of multi-used basic pattern, are characteristics of this period.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.43 no.2
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• pp.60-81
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• 2010

Jeju Island, in Korea, shows many characteristics that are differentiated from the rest of Korea. Its culture is rooted in mythology which advocates a egalitarian, rather than hierarchical, social structure, the place of women in the home is relatively high, and the formation of buildings, the separation of cooking and heating facilities, and the living format of residential homes is dissimilar. These disparities in culture indicate that Jeju Island's heritage was not formed only from influences from the North, but also from other places as well. To fill in the blanks, residential homes in Jeju Island were compared with those scattered throughout the East China Sea, which connect the southern coastline of the Korean peninsula and Jeju Island. The regions encompassed by the East China Sea, sharing the Kuroshio current and a seasonal wind, can be considered as one cultural region integrating cultural aspects from the continental North and the oceanbound South. The unique characteristics of southern culture as seen in southern residences was examined through an investigation of the sacred places in which gods were considered to dwell. First, the myths of these areas usually concerned with the ocean, and a sterile environment made sustenance impossible without a dual livelihood, usually taking on the forms of half-farming and half-fishing, or half-farming, half-gardening. Although family compositions were strongly matricentric or collateral thanks to southern influence, a patriarchical system like those found in the North were present in the upper classes and in the cities. Therefore, residential spaces were not divided based on age or gender, as in hierarchical societies, but according to family and function. Second, these areas had local belief systems based on animism and ancestor worship, and household deities were closely related to women, agriculture and fire. The deities of the kitchen, the granary and the toilet were mostly female, and the role of priest was often filled by a woman. After Buddhism and Confucianism were introduced from mainland Korea, China and Japan, the sacred areas of the household took on a dual form, integrating the female-focused local rites with male-centered Buddhist and Confucian rites. Third, in accordance with worship of a kitchen deity, a granary deity, and a toilet deity led to these areas of the home being separated into disparate buildings. Eventually, these areas became absorbed into the home as architectural technology was further developed and lifestyles were changed. There was also integration of northern and southern cultures, with rites concerning granary and toilet deities coming from China, and the personality of the kitchen deity being related to the southern sea. In addition, the use of stone in separate kitchens, granaries, and toilets is a distinguishing characteristic of the East China Sea. This research is a part of the results gained from a project funded by the Korea Research Foundation in 2006.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.38
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• pp.193-224
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• 2019

Shaman's play is significant in that it provided public theater for a long time in the theatrical and dramatic history. Unlike upper class who could call entertainer or Korean geisha in the traditional society, the majority of ordinary people could see professional performances through gut. Therefore, the shaman of the traditional society pulled the play which developed in the gut and the outside play into the gut and prepared the performance street for the ordinary people. shaman's play, apart from the religious context, has also functioned as a theatrical performance. Through shaman's play, you can see the process of ritual development into play. Shaman's play is a ritual ritual of expel calamity in an agriculture based society. In Korean consciousness, evil spirits are thought to bring disease or disaster to humans, so they should be good for evil spirits. This is a ritual that goes hand in hand with the Confucian Yeoje and the Buddhist Suryukjae. Most traditional plays, including masque performance, tend to weaken and become stifling after the designation of intangible cultural properties. However, shaman's play is transformed every time it is executed and is given a new meaning. Depending on the ability of the shaman to respond to and accommodate social change, adaptability is excellent depending on the situation in the field. Shaman's play has richness, prevent calamity and playful elements such as imitation of god and sexual connection based on the element of shamanism. In addition, it is necessary to pay attention to the meaning and the direction of Shaman's play because it is differentiated into play including social subject beyond mere magic imitation.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.43 no.4
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• pp.4-23
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• 2010

Danggol, in other words the hereditary shaman, is a person who is performing the Gut(the Korean shamanistic ritual) as the job but fortuneteller simply tells someone's fortunes. Nowadays most of fortunetellers think their works are wholly managed the Gut as the holy jobs. But Generally this kinds of jobs, we think it is lower than ordinary people's level of education in the korea. Actually we can meet eleven fortunetellers who have a college diploma out of them, so we can know that their education's level is increasing gradually. On the other hand a house of fortunetellers is the place where can lead the way of our lives in the method of seeing one's past life or making predictions of someone's coming events etc. Gradually this place seems to be separated with a private home, so the most of them is managing as the monthly rent. Consequently this houses are heavily located at the Gyerim five-way crossing, the Yang-dong Dakjeonmeory street, Jungheung-dong local culture street area. Each fortunetellers have the different ways of fortune-telling because this methods are decided by their one's characters. So their fortune-telling time and its time required for a task is far different. The methods of telling it is very much different in accordance with the learning fortuneteller or spiritualistic fortuneteller. But the process of fortune-telling is common like as a preparatory stage, carrying a Jumsa(fortune-telling) stage and acting by a Jumsa stage. These steps are sequential but linked together. There are six special features of fortune-telling culture in Gwang-Ju. 1. The role of a fortuneteller and Bosal(spirit-descended shaman) runs at the same time. 2. The house of fortune-telling is doing Gutdang(ritual house)'s works. 3. Its location are heavily collectivized at the specific districts. 4. The learning fortuneteller are increasing gradually. 5. The youth are growing use in the fortune-telling house. 6. There are many person that are visiting this house because of individual problems not their family's problems.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.56 no.1
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• pp.46-61
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• 2023

Various Buddhist metal artifacts were excavated from the Heungjeon-ri Temple site from 2014 to 2020, such as gilt-bronze openwork decorations, a bronze kundika, a lion incense burner with a handle and lion weight, and so on. The gilt-bronze openwork decoration founded from the main hall of the western area is believed to have been used for the decoration of the Buddhist temple, and it is considered to be the best example of the gilt-bronze openwork decorations of the unified Silla that have been discovered so far. The incense burner with a handle and lion weight excavated from Heungjeon-ri Temple site is the earliest example of the style. The bronze kundikas excavated at the Heungjeon-ri Temple site have a more developed style than those of Ingaksa Temple. The bronze bowl and bronze bowl with a lid are similar to those excavated from the Anapji, Hwangryongsa Temple site, and Inwangdong Temple site. So these bronze vessels seem to have spread from the capital city to the provinces. Bronze seals excavated from the Heungjeon-ri Temple site are similar to those of the Hwangnyongsa Temple site in form and font. So, it was considered that they were produced and sent by the royal palace. In addition, "梵雄官衙之印" on the seal can be said to show that Heungjeonri Temple site was related to the organization of the monks at the time. The Buddhist metal artifacts excavated from Heungjeon-ri Temple site are believed to have been used from the early to mid-9th century at the temple by the Seon Order monk who was the main character of the monument. It can be said to be an important example of how the royal palace of Unified Silla and local crafts had a two-way influence, not a one-way influence, from the first half to the middle of the 9th century.