• Title/Summary/Keyword: 불교(佛敎)

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The medical stuffs of Buddhist medicine and their usage as indicated in 『Tianjinyaofang』 (불교의학의 약물과 『천금요방(千金要方)』에서의 사용례)

  • Kim, Beom Jun;Ahn, Sang Woo;Kim, Nam Il
    • The Journal of Korean Medical History
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    • v.20 no.2
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    • pp.18-33
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    • 2007
  • Buddist Medicine has greatly influenced Chinese medicine, a medicine centered around East Asian traditional medicine. Buddhist medicine, however, was replaced when Chinese medicine became centered around Confucianism in the 12th century. According to "Tianjinyaofang" a document of the 8th century, however, traces of Buddhist medicine can be found. This study has found and organized the traces of Buddhist medicine in both Korean and Chinese medicine today.

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The Study of Establishing Records and Archives Management System of The Jogye Order of Korean Buddhism (조계종 기록관리시스템 구축에 관한 연구)

  • Kwag, Jeong
    • The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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    • no.11
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    • pp.144-180
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    • 2005
  • Automation can help organisations implement authentic and reliable record management practices, through the improved tracking of records through their life cycle as well as the consistent application of records schedules and descriptive standards. Maintaining evidence through authentic and reliable records is a cornerstone of good business practice and helps ensure a valuable record for society. This paper provided understanding of establishing records and archives management system(ARMS) with the case of the Jogye order of Korean buddhism. This system was designed to control records in the whole step from creation to preservation so that it automatized process to organize and control current records and to preserve archives. This system covers a wide range of archival functions including appraisal, arrangement and description, transfers, access, location and space management, microfilm management and destruction. This system will be applied records management of similar organization because of designing from the archival scientific point of view. Also, development process of this system will help archivist to build ARMS based on archival needs of institution.

A Study on the Yon-Hwa-Hyong Bracket Sets (다포의 형태 변화에 관한 연구 -조선중기 불교건축의 연화형 공포를 중심으로-)

  • Yang, Yun-Sik
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.33
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    • pp.256-273
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    • 2000
  • This thesis attempts to investigate the design of the bracket sets(eave-supporters) of Dapo-style architecture(multiple-bracket architecture) in order to discover the change and the characteristic of the Yon-Hwa-Hyong bracket sets. The external shape of eave-supporters has been evolved as following order: Kyo-Du-Hyong, Soe-Seo-Hyong, Cho-Gak-Soe-Seo-Hyong, and Yon-Hwa-Soe-Seo-Hyong. The internal shape has been developed as following order: Kyo-Du-Hyong. Cho-Gak-Hyong and Yon-Hwa-Hyong. Kyo-Du-Hyong represents the 17th century style and Yon-Hwa-Hyong has been used since the mid 18th century. Cho-Gak-Hyong signifies the transformation in the structural and designing role of column section and middle section and there appears a unified aspect in Yon-Hwa-Hyong. The transformation from Kyo-Du-Hyong towards Yon-Hwa-Hyong suggests that this is an intention of symbolizing the Buddhist teachings inside and outside of the eave-supporters. The purpose of this change establishes the Buddhist land.

The Accounts of Suvannabhumi from Various Literary Sources (문헌을 통해 본 수완나부미의 의미)

  • Aung, Saw Mra
    • SUVANNABHUMI
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    • v.3 no.1
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    • pp.67-86
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    • 2011
  • 수완나부미(Suvannabhumi, 황금의 땅)는 인도상인, 황금탐험가, 모험가, 선교사, 그리고 여러 나라에서 온 사람들이 자주 드나들었던 매우 오래된 지역이었다. 그러나 현재의 수완나부미는 잊혀진 존재이다. 그로 인해, 이 지역이 어디서 번성했는지, 언제 생겨났는지, 역사적으로 얼마나 오래 존재했는지에 대해서 정확하게 아는 사람은 없다. 따라서 현대인에게 이 지역은 여전히 알 수 없는 수수께끼 같은 곳이다. 이 논문은 다양한 문학적 문헌(빨리문헌과 해제, 옛 인도의 논문, 근대 인도학자들의 글, Dvipavansa와 Mahavansa라 불리는 두 가지의 유명한 신할라족 연대기, 일부 중국측 기록과 번역본, 일부 아랍상인과 작가들의 기록, 미얀마의 전통적 연대기와 근대 미얀마 학자들의 주장)에서 발췌한 수완나부미에 대한 여러 내용들을 소개하기 위한 하나의 노력이다. 이러한 자료의 검토와 더불어 필자의 소견을 결론부분에 덧붙였다.

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some characteristics of Development Process of Confucianism-Buddhism-Taoism in China and Its Influence of Neighboring Countries (儒释道在中国发展的过程特点及其对周边国家的影响)

  • 黄心川
    • Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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    • v.17
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    • pp.227-237
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    • 2004
  • The concrete, practical orientation of the Chinese toward the aim of communal harmony conditioned their approach toward philosophical differences. Ideological conflicts were seen, not only by the politicians but by the intellectuals themselves, to threaten societal well-being. Harmonious interaction was finally more important to these thinkers than abstract issues of who had arrived at the 'truth'. Perhaps the most obvious illustation of the way the Chinese handled their theoretical conflicts is to be found in mutual accommodation of the three emergent traditions of Chinese culture, Confucianism, Taoism and Buddhism. Beginning in the Han dynasty(206 BC-AD 200), the diverse themes inherited from the competing 'hundred schools' of pre-imperial China were harmonized within Confucianism as it ascended to become the state ideology. The harmony among confucianism, Buddhism and Taoism, traditional philosophical trend in China, is very important research subject at contemporary circumstance. For its cultual influences to surrounding nations, such as Korea, japan and Vietnam etc., are so crucial.

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The Representation of the Vietnamese Guanyin in Relation with Asian Arts (아시아 예술적 관점에서 본 베트남)

  • TRANG, Thanh Hien
    • SUVANNABHUMI
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    • v.1 no.2
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    • pp.73-91
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    • 2009
  • 베트남 관음상, 특히 천 개의 팔과 눈이 있는 관음상은 일반적으로는 아시아에서, 구체적으로는 동남아에서 종교 혼합주의의 가장 명백한 증거로 여겨질 수 있다. 그것은 인도와 더불어 특히 중국모델에서 전래된 몇 가지 구체적인 증거를 베트남 관음상에서 발견할 수 있다. 많은 학자들은 시바를 관음상의 천개의 팔과 천개의 눈을 표상한 것의 원천으로 보았다. 베트남 관음상에 대한 중국문화의 영향은 그 영향이 직접적이며 장기간에 걸쳐 최근까지도 이어져져 왔기 때문에, 인도문화가 남긴 흔적들보다 더 분명하게 나타난다. 이러한 문화적 유사성으로 인하여 비평가들은 베트남 관음상을 중국 관음상의 단순한 복제품으로 간주하게 만들었다. 본 논문에서 저자는 베트남 관음상은 여러 외국의 특징들을 흡수해 왔지만, 동시에 베트남의 심리와 행동, 개념, 토착 종교적 믿음에 상응하는 그만의 독특한 특징을 반영했다는 사실을 주장할 것이다. 천개의 팔과 눈을 가진 베트남 관음상은 인도와 중국의 영향을 받았지만, 베트남 특유의 예술적 가치를 지니고 있으며, 아시아 관음상의 무한히 풍부한 다양성에 또 하나의 기여를 해 왔다.

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The Road to Confucianism as a State Ideology in Vietnam (유교가 베트남에서 국가이념으로 성립되는 과정)

  • YU, In Sun
    • SUVANNABHUMI
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    • v.3 no.1
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    • pp.1-23
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    • 2011
  • This paper traces the process how Confucianism was established as a state ideology in Vietnam. Confucianism is said to have first been introduced into Vietnam around the early 3rd century. However, it had been outshone by Buddhism until the 1389s when Ho Quy Ly rose to power and emphasized pre-Qin Confucianism. In 1428, Lê Loi founded a new dynasty and changed the state ideology from Buddhism to Confucianism. Despite this radical shift, however, Confucianism was not firmly established at the beginning of the Lê Dynasty. It was Lê Thanh Tong (1460-1497) who fully established neo-Confucianism as the state ideology. The reason was that he devoted himself to the study of Confucian texts from a young age and sought to strengthen his own royal authority by emphasizing the neo-Confucian concept of loyalty and filial piety.

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A Study on the Wooden Seated Vairocana Tri-kaya Buddha Images in the Daeungjeon Hall of Hwaeomsa Temple (화엄사 대웅전 목조비로자나삼신 불좌상에 대한 고찰)

  • Choe, Songeun
    • MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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    • v.100
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    • pp.140-170
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    • 2021
  • This paper investigates the Wooden Seated Tri-kaya Buddha Images(三身佛像) of Vairocana, Rushana, and Sakyamuni enshrined in Daeungjeon Hall of Hwaeomsa temple(華嚴寺) in Gurae, South Cheolla Province. They were produced in 1634 CE and placed in 1635 CE, about forty years after original images made in the Goryeo period were destroyed by the Japanese army during the war. The reconstruction of Hwaeomsa was conducted by Gakseong, one of the leading monks of Joseon Dynasty in the 17th century, who also conducted the reconstructions of many Buddhist temples after the war. In 2015, a prayer text (dated 1635) concerning the production of Hwaeomsa Tri-kaya Buddha images was found in the repository within Sakyamuni Buddha. It lists the names of participants, including royal family members (i.e., prince Yi Guang, the eighth son of King Seon-jo), and their relatives (i.e., Sin Ik-seong, son-in-law of King Seonjo), court ladies, monk-sculptors, and large numbers of monks and laymen Buddhists. A prayer text (dated 1634) listing the names of monk-sculptors written on the wooden panel inside the pedestal of Rushana Buddha was also found. A recent investigation into the repository within Rushana Buddha in 2020 CE has revealed a prayer text listing participants producing these images, similar to the former one from Sakyamuni Buddha, together with sacred relics of hoo-ryeong-tong copper bottle and a large quantity of Sutra books. These new materials opened a way to understand Hwaeomsa Trikaya images, including who made them and when they were made. The two above-mentioned prayer texts from the repository of Sakyamuni and Rushana Buddha statues, and the wooden panel inside the pedestal of Rushan Buddha tell us that eighteen monk-sculptors, including Eungwon, Cheongheon and Ingyun, who were well-known monk artisans of the 17th century, took part in the construction of these images. As a matter of fact, Cheongheon belonged to a different workshop from Eungwon and Ingyun, who were most likely teacher and disciple or senior and junior colleagues, which means that the production of Hwaeomsa Tri-kaya Buddha images was a collaboration between sculptors from two workshops. Eungwon and Ingyun seem to have belonged to the same community studying under the great Buddhist priest Seonsu, the teacher of Monk Gakseong who was in charge of the reconstruction of Haweonsa temple. Hwaeomsa Tri-kaya Buddha images show a big head, a squarish face with plump cheeks, narrow and drooping shoulders, and a short waist, which depict significant differences in body proportion to those of other Buddha statues of the first half of 17th century, which typically have wide shoulders and long waists. The body proportion shown in the Hwaeomsa images could be linked with images of late Goryeo and early Joseon period. Rushana Buddha, raising his two arms in a preaching hand gesture and wearing a crown and bracelets, shows unique iconography of the Bodhisattva form. This iconography of Rushana Buddha had appeared in a few Sutra paintings of Northern Song and Late Goryeo period of 13th and 14th century. BodhaSri-mudra of Vairocana Buddha, unlike the general type of BodhaSri-mudra that shows the right hand holding the left index finger, places his right hand upon the left hand in a fist. It is similar to that of Vairocana images of Northern and Southern Song, whose left hand is placed on the top of right hand in a fist. This type of mudra was most likely introduced during the Goryeo period. The dried lacquer Seated Vairocana image of Bulheosa Temple in Naju is datable to late Goryeo period, and exhibits similar forms of the mudra. Hwaeomsa Tri-kaya Buddha images also show new iconographic aspects, as well as traditional stylistic and iconographic features. The earth-touching (bhumisparsa) mudra of Sakymuni Buddha, putting his left thumb close to the middle finger, as if to make a preaching mudra, can be regarded as a new aspect that was influenced by the Sutra illustrations of the Ming dynasty, which were imported by the royal court of Joseon dynasty and most likely had an impact on Joseon Buddhist art from the 15th and 16th centuries. Stylistic and iconographical features of Hwaeomsa Tri-kaya Buddha images indicate that the traditional aspects of Goryeo period and new iconography of Joseon period are rendered together, side by side, in these sculptures. The coexistence of old and new aspects in one set of images could indicate that monk sculptors tried to find a new way to produce Hwaeomsa images based on the old traditional style of Goryeo period when the original Tri-kaya Buddha images were made, although some new iconography popular in Joseon period was also employed in the images. It is also probable that monk sculptors of Hwaeomsa Tri-kaya Buddha images intended to reconstruct these images following the original images of Goryeo period, which was recollected by surviving monks at Hwaeomsa, who had witnessed the original Tri-kaya Buddha images.

King Sejo's Establishment of the Thirteen-story Stone Pagoda of Wongaksa Temple and Its Semantics (세조의 원각사13층석탑 건립과 그 의미체계)

  • Nam, Dongsin
    • MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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    • v.101
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    • pp.12-46
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    • 2022
  • Completed in 1467, the Thirteen-story Stone Pagoda of Wongaksa Temple is the last Buddhist pagoda erected at the center of the capital (present-day Seoul) of the Joseon Dynasty. It was commissioned by King Sejo, the final Korean king to favor Buddhism. In this paper, I aim to examine King Sejo's intentions behind celebrating the tenth anniversary of his enthronement with the construction of the thirteen-story stone pagoda in the central area of the capital and the enshrinement of sarira from Shakyamuni Buddha and the Newly Translated Sutra of Perfect Enlightenment (圓覺經). This paper provides a summary of this examination and suggests future research directions. The second chapter of the paper discusses the scriptural background for thirteen-story stone pagodas from multiple perspectives. I was the first to specify the Latter Part of the Nirvana Sutra (大般涅槃經後分) as the most direct and fundamental scripture for the erection of a thirteen-story stone pagoda. I also found that this sutra was translated in Central Java in the latter half of the seventh century and was then circulated in East Asia. Moreover, I focused on the so-called Kanishka-style stupa as the origin of thirteen-story stone pagodas and provided an overview of thirteen-story stone pagodas built around East Asia, including in Korea. In addition, by consulting Buddhist references, I prove that the thirteen stories symbolize the stages of the practice of asceticism towards enlightenment. In this regard, the number thirteen can be viewed as a special and sacred number to Buddhist devotees. The third chapter explores the Buddhist background of King Sejo's establishment of the Thirteen-story Stone Pagoda of Wongaksa Temple. I studied both the Dictionary of Sanskrit-Chinese Translation of Buddhist Terms (翻譯名義集) (which King Sejo personally purchased in China and published for the first time in Korea) and the Sutra of Perfect Enlightenment. King Sejo involved himself in the first translation of the Sutra of Perfect Enlightenment into Korean. The Dictionary of Sanskrit-Chinese Translation of Buddhist Terms was published in the fourteenth century as a type of Buddhist glossary. King Sejo is presumed to have been introduced to the Latter Part of the Nirvana Sutra, the fundamental scripture regarding thirteen-story pagodas, through the Dictionary of Sanskrit-Chinese Translation of Buddhist Terms, when he was set to erect a pagoda at Wongaksa Temple. King Sejo also enshrined the Newly Translated Sutra of Perfect Enlightenment inside the Wongaksa pagoda as a scripture representing the entire Tripitaka. This enshrined sutra appears to be the vernacular version for which King Sejo participated in the first Korean translation. Furthermore, I assert that the original text of the vernacular version is the Abridged Commentary on the Sutra of Perfect Enlightenment (圓覺經略疏) by Zongmi (宗密, 780-841), different from what has been previously believed. The final chapter of the paper elucidates the political semantics of the establishment of the Wongaksa pagoda by comparing and examining stone pagodas erected at neungsa (陵寺) or jinjeonsawon (眞殿寺院), which were types of temples built to protect the tombs of royal family members near their tombs during the early Joseon period. These stone pagodas include the Thirteen-story Pagoda of Gyeongcheonsa Temple, the Stone Pagoda of Gaegyeongsa Temple, the Stone Pagoda of Yeongyeongsa Temple, and the Multi-story Stone Pagoda of Silleuksa Temple. The comparative analysis of these stone pagodas reveals that King Sejo established the Thirteen-story Stone Pagoda at Wongaksa Temple as a political emblem to legitimize his succession to the throne. In this paper, I attempt to better understand the scriptural and political semantics of the Wongaksa pagoda as a thirteen-story pagoda. By providing a Korean case study, this attempt will contribute to the understanding of Buddhist pagoda culture that reached its peak during the late Goryeo and early Joseon periods. It also contributes to the research on thirteen-story pagodas in East Asia that originated with Kanishka stupa and were based on the Latter Part of the Nirvana Sutra.

A Study of the Japanese Colonial Era Rock-Carved Seated Avalokiteśvara Statue at Ganghwa Bomunsa Temple (일제강점기 강화 보문사 마애관음보살좌상 연구)

  • Lee, Jumin
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.53 no.3
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    • pp.62-79
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    • 2020
  • The rock-carved seated Avalokiteśvara statue at Ganghwa Bomunsa Temple is a giant rock-carved Buddhist statue that was built in 1928 during the Japanese colonial era. Although it is a year-recorded Buddhist statue that occupies a prominent place in modern Korean Buddhist sculpture history, it has not been the subject of in-depth discussion due to weak research on modern Buddhist sculptures. In this study, to examine the various significant aspects of the rock-carved Seated Avalokiteśvara statue at Bomunsa Temple as a modern Buddhist sculpture, I have managed to determine its construction year, artificers, and patrons by deciphering the inscription around the rock-carved statue; in addition I have researched the effects of the rock shapes and landforms on the formation of the Buddhist statue by comparing and analyzing the points of view of both artificers and worshipers. I have also identified the specific circumstances of the time of construction from interviews with the descendants of artificers. A monk from Geumgangsan Mountain, Lee Hwaeung, took the role of sponsor and chief painter to construct the rock-carved seated Avalokiteśvara statue at Bomunsa temple. In the beginning of its construction in 1928, more than 100 donators jointly sponsored the construction of the statue. Gansong Jeon Hyoungphil sponsored alone at the time of the place of worship's expansion in 1938. Bomunsa Temple has been regarded as one of the top-three sacred places of Avalokiteśvara Bodhisattva together with Naksansa Temple in Yang Yang and Boriam in Nam Hae, due to the construction of the rock-carved statue. It took about three months to construct the statue. Lee Hwaeung drew a rough sketch and then Un Songhag and five masons from Ganghwa Island took part in the carving process. We can observe the line drawing technique around the rock-carved statue because the statue was carved based on the rough sketch of the monk painter. The aspect of Lee Hwaeung as a painter is revealed; therefore, we can identify the clue of painting pattern leading to Seogongchulyou- Hwaunghyoungjin- Ilonghyegag. The rock-carved seated Avalokiteśvara statue at Bomunsa Temple is a typical Avalokiteśvara that wears a jeweled crown and holds Kundica. It makes a strong impression as it has a big square-shaped face and a short neck and is unsophisticated in general. The artificers solved the issue of visual distortion of the rock-carved statue caused by carving on a 10-meter high and 40-degree sloping rock by controlling motion to its maximum, omitting detailed expression by emphasizing symmetry, and adjusting the head-to-body proportion to be almost one-to-one. In this study, especially, I presume the unified form of sacred sculptures and Buddhist altars, without making a Buddhist altar like the rock-carved seated Avalokiteśvara statue at Bomunsa Temple, to be a key characteristic of modern Buddhist sculptures. Furthermore, I make newly clear that the six letters of Sanskrit carved on nimbus, which had been interpreted as a Six-Syllable Mantra, are a combination with Jeongbeopgye and Sabang Mantras. In addition, three iron rings driven on eaves rock were used as a reference point, and after construction they were used as a decoration for the Bodhisattva with hanging wind chimes.